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Deaths and politicised deaths in Buenos Aires’s refuse
Mariano D. Perelman

The appearance of corpses in rubbish tips is not a recent phenomenon. In Argentina, tips have served not only as sites for the disposal of bodies but also as murder scenes. Many of these other bodies found in such places belong to individuals who have suffered violent deaths, which go on to become public issues, or else are ‘politicised deaths’. Focusing on two cases that have received differing degrees of social, political and media attention – Diego Duarte, a 15-year-old boy from a poor background who went waste-picking on an open dump and never came back, and Ángeles Rawson, a girl of 16 murdered in the middle-class neighbourhood of Colegiales, whose body was found in the same tip – this article deals with the social meanings of bodies that appear in landfills. In each case, there followed a series of events that placed a certain construction on the death – and, more importantly, the life – of the victim. Corpses, once recognised, become people, and through this process they are given new life. It is my contention that bodies in rubbish tips express – and configure – not only the limits of the social but also, in some cases, the limits of the human itself.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Rozita Dimova

border During the socialist period economic exchange was officially conducted between the Yugoslav Federation and Greece. However, the everyday informal border crossings of goods and money were primarily done by tourists and consumers from Macedonia and Serbia (and the other former Yugoslav republics, although not nearly so intensively). The Northern Greek lower-class holiday resorts such as Paralia, Platamona, and Leptokaria were favorite destinations for the average working- and lower middle-class socialist consumers, whose yearly savings would be

in Border porosities
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Everyday life practices after the event
Author: Mona Abaza

In Cairo collages, the large-scale political, economic, and social changes in Egypt brought on by the 2011 revolution are set against the declining fortunes of a single apartment building in a specific Cairo neighbourhood. The violence in Tahrir Square and Mohamed Mahmud Street; the post-January euphoric moment; the increasing militarisation of urban life; the flourishing of dystopian novels set in Cairo; the neo-liberal imaginaries of Dubai and Singapore as global models; gentrification and evictions in poor neighbourhoods; the forthcoming new administrative capital for Egypt – all are narrated in parallel to the ‘little’ story of the adventures and misfortunes of everyday interactions in a middle-class building in the neighbourhood of Doqi.

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Mona Abaza

(Cairoscene Team 2018; CEDEJ 2018). It was no coincidence, then, that I found myself caught up in – or, rather, obsessed about – documenting and recording the everyday forms of assault of the nasty soundscape of the street as a personal therapy to overcome a growing and exasperating melancholy. As time went by, I repeatedly asked myself why I ended up writing about the ‘little story’, narrating the quotidian of an unnoticed, degenerating, 4 Cairo collages middle-class building in Cairo. Why was I keen on documenting tedious and fairly ‘boring’ and ‘uninteresting

in Cairo collages
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My exhausted and exhausting building
Mona Abaza

revolution in opening new paths for collective work (ironically, working well for the better off) on the local-neighbourhood level for issues like rubbish collection and the serious challenge of reordering public space.11 Having said that, the building into which I moved in Doqi is a good case in point of class mobility in a quarter that once witnessed a particular magnificence, but has been left to degenerate into decay (a view that is certainly tainted with a biased, middle-class outlook). There are various reasons for this, but the most important is the fact that many

in Cairo collages
Beauty, entertainment, and gambling in the EU periphery
Rozita Dimova

cures are imperative for her. She would rather starve to death than neglect her physical appearance. She explained that Greek middle-class women have developed this specific attitude towards female beauty and maintaining one's own appearance, so that it would be “the end of the world” if these women weren't able to afford these beauty treatments anymore. Having my hair dyed and cut by a professional regularly is equally important to me as my regular Thyroxin check up. It is a matter of existence in

in Border porosities
Vanya Kovačič

participants from other provinces (two from Babylon and two from Diyala) travelled to meet us in Baghdad. 10 The home visits we carried out in Baghdad were in the districts/neighbourhoods of Dara, Adhamiyah, Sleikh, and Saydia. These neighbourhoods are predominantly occupied by Sunni families, and the residents are middle to upper-middle class. The neighbourhoods we visited varied from those that looked obviously more

in Reconstructing lives
Open Access (free)
Pollution, contamination and the neglected dead in post-war Saigon
Christophe Robert

: plastic wallets, helmets or sunglasses. Middle-class urbanites object to the presence of street sellers and ‘uncivilised’ (khong van minh) selling among places of repose of the dead. The poverty in neighbourhoods around the cemeteries displays itself in recognisable ways, as with itinerant hawkers waiting for the occasional client. This is a familiar scene, replicated day and night everywhere in Vietnam. But the ways in which these street vendors operate near cemeteries cause disquiet and repulsion among the nouveau-riche bourgeoisie. Graveyards are not supposed to be

in Governing the dead
Polish and Italian mothers in Norway
Lise Widding Isaksen and Elżbieta Czapka

institutions offering care to children under 3 years of age. Between 2005 and 2014, the number of care facilities for children up to age 3 quadrupled, but still, in 2014, less than 5% of children aged 0–3 could benefit from public childcare (CSO 2015 ). Due to the country's political history, public childcare institutions continue to have a reputation for being ‘communist’, ‘cold’, and overcrowded, and they have low social status, particularly among the middle class (Heinen 2006 ). Methodology The empirical data we analyse here come

in Intimacy and mobility in an era of hardening borders
Open Access (free)
Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland
Jelena Tošić

of northern Albania and one of the most important urban units in the Ottoman Balkans – can serve as a prime example. During my fieldwork I realised that the reconstruction of family history and genealogy was a way of reappropriating social status after the trauma of the Hoxha regime, which inter alia aimed at literally erasing urban middle-class identity. In Shkodra, which as one of the strongholds of the urban middle class was particularly targeted by the Hoxha regime, the dominant discourse of incorporation centred on urbanity. The prime ‘other’ of the urban

in Migrating borders and moving times