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D.G. Paz

This article addresses three topics. It describes Chartisms creation of a ‘peoples history’ as an alternative to middle-class history, whether Whig or Tory. It locates the sources, most of which have not been noticed before, for the Chartist narrative of the English Reformation. William Cobbetts reinterpretation of the English Reformation is well known as a source for the working-class narrative; William Howitts much less familiar but more important source, antedating Cobbetts History of the Protestant Reformation in England, is used for the first time. The article reconstructs that narrative using printed and manuscript lectures and published interpretations dating from the first discussions of the Peoples Charter in 1836 to the last Chartist Convention in 1858. The manuscript lectures of Thomas Cooper are an essential but little-used source. The article contributes to historical understanding of the intellectual life of the English working class.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Between respectable and risqué satire in 1848
Jo Briggs

informed both the journal’s contents and the way they were read. For Punch respectability was a desire then, rather than a given, and its contributors’ assertions of decorum should not be taken at face value. In 1848, against the backdrop of the fallout from the 10 April Chartist demonstration and ongoing arrests and plotting over the summer, Punch’s desire for respectable humour was threatened. This can be seen most clearly in the publication’s satires at the expense of the middle-class special constables who volunteered to assist to keep the peace on the day of the

in Novelty fair
Abstract only
J.W.M. Hichberger

The Crimean war, as we have seen, was used as evidence of the aristocracy’s ‘unfitness’ to rule the army. The middle classes increasingly claimed the right to a voice in its administration, and the system of purchase once more came under attack. It was the ranks which were the chief focus of middle-class agitation. The daily life of the common soldier was examined in a

in Images of the army
Simon Grennan

domestic relatives of working men. Such were the majority of Victorian women employees (Verdon 2002 ; Clarke 1997 ; Roberts 1995 ; Lown 1990 ). However, analysis of the contingencies of middle-class women employees (those whose employment required the purchase of education or training, as well as contradicting the other definitive circumstances of woman manual workers), establishes that the key distinction between the exigencies of male and female employment lay in the impact of women's domestic lives and the lives of children upon their

in Marie Duval
Factory landscapes, leisure and the model employee
Helena Chance

limited due to low income and opportunity. In Britain, leisure time for the factory worker had been slightly improved after the introduction of the Ten Hours Act in 1847 (although a considerable number of factory owners flouted the rules), followed by the Saturday half day in the 1870s, although many workers including those in service worked many more hours. New forms of recreation became available to working and lower-middle classes, including music hall, association football and seaside holidays and, by the 1890s, leisure had been institutionalised though advertising

in The factory in a garden
John M. MacKenzie

4 Institutions of the bourgeois public sphere and new technologies The principal social characteristic of the British Empire in the nineteenth century was the emergence and phenomenal growth of the bourgeoisie. From the point of view of whites in both the territories of settlement and in the dependent colonies, empire became essentially a middle-class phenomenon, brought into being by the growth of the capitalist world economy. If some, but by no means all, governors were aristocrats, as were some at least of the senior military officers (particularly before the

in The British Empire through buildings
Art schools and art education
James Moore

design education was seen as essential for the development of Britain’s design- and craft-related industries. It is important to stress, however, that demands for artistic education came from a number of sources, many of which were unconnected with industry or government.2 For many in the upper middle classes, art education formed a central part of liberal education. It was also regarded as an important polite art, especially for ladies, to be pursued as part of a sophisticated leisured lifestyle. Thus some of the earliest art schools were developed not in industrial

in High culture and tall chimneys
Popular advice manuals and the orchestration of the private interior
Anca I. Lasc

sculpture Mercury of c. 1565 seems a reasonable choice for such an interior, how can one explain the presence of Venus de Milo in the same room? This chapter studies the new theories about collecting and interior decorating that developed in France in the second half of the nineteenth century to understand the appearance of model interiors such as Rémon’s. A new interest in the decoration of upper- and middle-class homes led a variety of authors to share their ideas about ideal house décor with the public at large. Their work, published in collecting and interior

in Interior decorating in nineteenth-century France
The politics of consumption in 1848
Jo Briggs

number of tensions that characterize the mid nineteenth century. Smith’s writings precisely define the gent as a type and locate him within the entertainment venues and shopping streets of late-1840s London. This functioned to distance the gent’s threatening vulgarity from middle-class respectability. In this sense Smith’s volume should be viewed alongside etiquette books that aimed to help the newly moneyed avoid social embarrassment as they rose socially. Although seemingly a figure of fun, because taste and class were elided in his ‘offensive body’, the gent was

in Novelty fair
Abstract only
Political group portraiture and history painting
Henry Miller

earlier pictures, Haydon’s method of working, his need to paint huge paintings, meant that the money proved to be disproportionate to the twenty months he spent on The Reform Banquet.115 When the picture was finally exhibited from April to August 1834 it proved to be a disaster for Haydon, producing a loss of £230.116 In Haydon’s view the reason for the debacle was simple: ‘the middle classes do not come’ and this was due to the government’s unpopularity.117 Conceived during the height of the Whigs’ popularity, it was Haydon’s misfortune to display the painting during a

in Politics personified