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programme to shift its attention to those few opportunities that the local market could provide. However, under the impact of the recent economic and financial crisis, these opportunities have increasingly faded too. In a span of less than three years, Lebanon went from a country known for its growing middle class to one with an inflation rate of over 240 per cent 8 and a dramatic unemployment rate 50.1 per cent in 2022 (16.2 per cent in 2018–19). 9 As part of ‘Future of Food
’ ( Guardian , 2018 ). It is not that everyone within NGOs refuses to accept that this problem exists or its potential severity, but Goldring’s comments demonstrate a tendency among white, male, middle-class figures who are senior in these organisations – who are unlikely themselves to be the target of sexual harassment, abuse or intimidation – to downplay the risk of this occurring and to respond to accusations slowly and reluctantly. British
ended with local charities and national committees (e.g. the International Socialist Congress, the miners, the International Suffrage Alliance, the International Women’s Committee) contacting film departments of aid agencies to offer theatrical and non-theatrical venues, including meeting halls, clubs, schools, or churches. Moviegoers ranged from working- to middle-class, with a prevalence of female adults. Cinema also became a mobile technology after World War I, traveling from city centers to remote and rural locations. Mixing different filmic genres such as ‘social
: Zed Books ), pp. 1 – 17 . Droeber , J. ( 2005 ), Dreaming of Change: Young Middle-Class Women and Social Transformation in Jordan ( Leiden : Koninklijke Brill NV ). Fluri , J. ( 2012 ), ‘ Capitalizing on Bare Life: Sovereignty, Exception
their sons’ wages. While power inequalities between Syrian women are not new, they have been exacerbated by the loss of resources in displacement. Our findings come from research with a small, and highly specific, sample: Syrian women from rural and working-class backgrounds, and with low levels of formal education. It remains to be seen whether middle-class, and more highly educated, Syrian women, may have experienced similar shifts in their families and work in exile. Our
-expanding market driven by rising living standards and a growing population. 12 Between 1947 and 1960 personal disposable income in the United States rose (in real terms) by 17 percent, while the population increased from 141 to 181 million. 13 Middle-class consumers in the United States were able to spend their newfound wealth on a variety of new products, from automobiles to washing machines to television sets (the last of which were present in nine out of ten households by 1960). Part of the growth of a consumer society in postwar America was the emergence of the teenage
political mobilisation in the Arab region, ushering in the next, praetorian stage. Nationalist politicisation dovetailed with middle-class demands for a share of power and labour and peasant ferment over the region’s highly unequal forms of capitalist development. Presidents and kings sought to concentrate power but, given the weakness and fragmentation of status quo parties and parliaments and the manipulation of elections, their weakly institutionalised regimes could not sufficiently incorporate the rising middle class to stabilise the state. Political mobilisation
of analysis beyond the purely discursive approach discussed here is required. Colin Coulter Coulter examines the unionist middle classes and notes that Direct Rule has brought about a dependence that has resulted in a sullen disenchantment, the politics of inertia, a political ambivalence about the British Government and an indifference about political affairs, all of which
orientation and Syrian revisionism reaching a peak. Saudi Arabia faced the ‘King’s Dilemma’ which proved fatal for several Middle East monarchies: how to modernise, yet prevent the new social forces created by modernisation from destroying the traditional order (Huntington 1968: 177–91). In the 1950s and 1960s, the regime was vulnerable to Pan-Arab ideology manipulated from Cairo as the small, educated, new middle class and the working class in the oil fields, attracted by Nasser, embraced Arabism and reform. The al-Saud had, however, enough
process disrupted a multiplicity of regional ties while reorienting many economic and communications links to the Western ‘core’. In reaction, new supra-state ideologies, expressive of the lost cultural unity, were increasingly embraced: Pan-Arabism by the Arabic-speaking middle class and political Islam among the lower middle classes. Both, at various times, challenged the legitimacy of the individual states and spawned movements promoting the unification of states as a cure for the fragmentation of the recognised community. The result has been that the Arab world