( Guardian , 2018 ). It
is not that everyone within NGOs refuses to accept that this problem exists or its
potential severity, but Goldring’s comments demonstrate a tendency among
white, male, middle-class figures who are senior in these organisations – who
are unlikely themselves to be the target of sexual harassment, abuse or intimidation
– to downplay the risk of this occurring and to respond to accusations slowly
Visual Advocacy in the Early Decades of Humanitarian Cinema
ended with local charities and national committees (e.g. the International Socialist Congress, the miners, the International Suffrage Alliance, the International Women’s Committee) contacting film departments of aid agencies to offer theatrical and non-theatrical venues, including meeting halls, clubs, schools, or churches. Moviegoers ranged from working- to middle-class, with a prevalence of female adults. Cinema also became a mobile technology after World War I, traveling from city centers to remote and rural locations. Mixing different filmic genres such as ‘social
Middle-Aged Syrian Women’s Contributions to Family Livelihoods
during Protracted Displacement in Jordan
Dina Sidhva, Ann-Christin Zuntz, Ruba al Akash, Ayat Nashwan, and Areej Al-Majali
their sons’ wages. While power inequalities between Syrian women are not new,
they have been exacerbated by the loss of resources in displacement. Our findings
come from research with a small, and highly specific, sample: Syrian women from
rural and working-class backgrounds, and with low levels of formal education. It
remains to be seen whether middle-class, and more highly educated, Syrian women, may
have experienced similar shifts in their families and work in exile.
-expanding market driven by rising living standards and a growing population. 12 Between 1947 and 1960 personal disposable income in the United States rose (in real terms) by 17 percent, while the population increased from 141 to 181 million. 13
Middle-class consumers in the United States were able to spend their newfound wealth on a variety of new products, from automobiles to washing machines to television sets (the last of which were present in nine out of ten households by 1960). Part of the growth of a consumer society in postwar America was the emergence of the teenage
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
political mobilisation in the Arab region, ushering in the next, praetorian stage. Nationalist politicisation dovetailed with middle-class demands for a share of power and labour and peasant ferment over the region’s highly unequal forms of capitalist development. Presidents and kings sought to concentrate power but, given the weakness and fragmentation of status quo parties and parliaments and the manipulation of elections, their weakly institutionalised regimes could not sufficiently incorporate the rising middleclass to stabilise the state. Political mobilisation
of analysis beyond the purely discursive approach
discussed here is required.
Coulter examines the unionist
middleclasses and notes that Direct Rule has brought about a dependence
that has resulted in a sullen disenchantment, the politics of inertia, a
political ambivalence about the British Government and an indifference
about political affairs, all of which
orientation and Syrian revisionism reaching a peak.
Saudi Arabia faced the ‘King’s Dilemma’ which proved fatal for several Middle East monarchies: how to modernise, yet prevent the new social forces created by modernisation from destroying the traditional order (Huntington 1968: 177–91). In the 1950s and 1960s, the regime was vulnerable to Pan-Arab ideology manipulated from Cairo as the small, educated, new middleclass and the working class in the oil fields, attracted by Nasser, embraced Arabism and reform. The al-Saud had, however, enough
process disrupted a multiplicity of regional ties while reorienting many economic and communications links to the Western ‘core’. In reaction, new supra-state ideologies, expressive of the lost cultural unity, were increasingly embraced: Pan-Arabism by the Arabic-speaking middleclass and political Islam among the lower middleclasses. Both, at various times, challenged the legitimacy of the individual states and spawned movements promoting the unification of states as a cure for the fragmentation of the recognised community. The result has been that the Arab world
modernisation – enough to reinforce without disrupting the traditional order. But military modernisation required or led to broader changes: bureaucratic centralisation, improved tax collection, conscription, the modern education to train modern officials. The result was the rise of a small modern middleclass affected by Western ideas of nationalism and democracy. Military officers, as the first to be educated and entrusted with the mission of Ottoman defence against the West, made up the vanguard of the early modernising nationalist groups. Middle-class opinion came to see