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The Aid Industry and the ‘Me Too’ Movement
Charlotte Lydia Riley

’ ( Guardian , 2018 ). It is not that everyone within NGOs refuses to accept that this problem exists or its potential severity, but Goldring’s comments demonstrate a tendency among white, male, middle-class figures who are senior in these organisations – who are unlikely themselves to be the target of sexual harassment, abuse or intimidation – to downplay the risk of this occurring and to respond to accusations slowly and reluctantly. British

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Visual Advocacy in the Early Decades of Humanitarian Cinema
Valérie Gorin

ended with local charities and national committees (e.g. the International Socialist Congress, the miners, the International Suffrage Alliance, the International Women’s Committee) contacting film departments of aid agencies to offer theatrical and non-theatrical venues, including meeting halls, clubs, schools, or churches. Moviegoers ranged from working- to middle-class, with a prevalence of female adults. Cinema also became a mobile technology after World War I, traveling from city centers to remote and rural locations. Mixing different filmic genres such as ‘social

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Middle-Aged Syrian Women’s Contributions to Family Livelihoods during Protracted Displacement in Jordan
Dina Sidhva, Ann-Christin Zuntz, Ruba al Akash, Ayat Nashwan, and Areej Al-Majali

their sons’ wages. While power inequalities between Syrian women are not new, they have been exacerbated by the loss of resources in displacement. Our findings come from research with a small, and highly specific, sample: Syrian women from rural and working-class backgrounds, and with low levels of formal education. It remains to be seen whether middle-class, and more highly educated, Syrian women, may have experienced similar shifts in their families and work in exile. Our

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Deaths and politicised deaths in Buenos Aires’s refuse
Mariano D. Perelman

The appearance of corpses in rubbish tips is not a recent phenomenon. In Argentina, tips have served not only as sites for the disposal of bodies but also as murder scenes. Many of these other bodies found in such places belong to individuals who have suffered violent deaths, which go on to become public issues, or else are ‘politicised deaths’. Focusing on two cases that have received differing degrees of social, political and media attention – Diego Duarte, a 15-year-old boy from a poor background who went waste-picking on an open dump and never came back, and Ángeles Rawson, a girl of 16 murdered in the middle-class neighbourhood of Colegiales, whose body was found in the same tip – this article deals with the social meanings of bodies that appear in landfills. In each case, there followed a series of events that placed a certain construction on the death – and, more importantly, the life – of the victim. Corpses, once recognised, become people, and through this process they are given new life. It is my contention that bodies in rubbish tips express – and configure – not only the limits of the social but also, in some cases, the limits of the human itself.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Serge Sur

times of war, are led to use cinema to justify their cause and embellish their pursuit of conflict. More broadly, State intervention always tends, in one way or another, to leverage film as an instrument. Propaganda is a form of lying, and Stendhal observed very perceptively that power lies, now and always. 26 Only the quality of lies is subject to change, he wrote. Cheap lies are for everyman, silver sterling lies will persuade the upper middle class and golden lies will fool a few gentlemen. Hollywood certainly perfected the technique, both under the influence of

in Cinematic perspectives on international law
Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

caste, wealth, familial status, geographic location, education, sexuality and age. In many situations it would be fruitless, as well as inaccurate, to assume that the lives of, for example, a young Afghan woman refugee, a middle-class Canadian housewife and an older Zimbabwean woman agricultural worker are subject to similar pressures and influences. However, because international law claims general

in The boundaries of international law
Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

particular Western construction of the public/private distinction. 203 A similar point has been made by Aida Hurtado in a comparison of the significance of a public/private distinction in the lives of white middle class women and black women in the United States: Women of Color have not had the benefit of the economic conditions that underlie the

in The boundaries of international law
Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

and meaning’. 201 Generally, however, the feminist movement has been concentrated among urban, middle class intellectuals rather than among camp refugees and village women. 202 The intifada gave considerable impetus to Palestinian women’s political organisation, with women’s activism moving beyond national aspirations to women’s rights. As Zahira Kamal has noted, ‘the intifada caused the Palestinian

in The boundaries of international law