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The Aid Industry and the ‘Me Too’ Movement
Charlotte Lydia Riley

’ ( Guardian , 2018 ). It is not that everyone within NGOs refuses to accept that this problem exists or its potential severity, but Goldring’s comments demonstrate a tendency among white, male, middle-class figures who are senior in these organisations – who are unlikely themselves to be the target of sexual harassment, abuse or intimidation – to downplay the risk of this occurring and to respond to accusations slowly and reluctantly. British

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Visual Advocacy in the Early Decades of Humanitarian Cinema
Valérie Gorin

ended with local charities and national committees (e.g. the International Socialist Congress, the miners, the International Suffrage Alliance, the International Women’s Committee) contacting film departments of aid agencies to offer theatrical and non-theatrical venues, including meeting halls, clubs, schools, or churches. Moviegoers ranged from working- to middle-class, with a prevalence of female adults. Cinema also became a mobile technology after World War I, traveling from city centers to remote and rural locations. Mixing different filmic genres such as ‘social

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Middle-Aged Syrian Women’s Contributions to Family Livelihoods during Protracted Displacement in Jordan
Dina Sidhva, Ann-Christin Zuntz, Ruba al Akash, Ayat Nashwan, and Areej Al-Majali

their sons’ wages. While power inequalities between Syrian women are not new, they have been exacerbated by the loss of resources in displacement. Our findings come from research with a small, and highly specific, sample: Syrian women from rural and working-class backgrounds, and with low levels of formal education. It remains to be seen whether middle-class, and more highly educated, Syrian women, may have experienced similar shifts in their families and work in exile. Our

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The honour of public service
Rosemary D. O’Neill

‘never a badge or an ornament to make others uncomfortable, but always a star he checked to set his own course’. MUP_Hume_Peacemaking.indd 34 11/10/2013 15:25 Thomas P. ‘Tip’ O’Neill Jr. 35 He was proudest of the fact that, during his life time, Democrats had passed legislation to build the middle class. By the time of his retirement in 1986, poverty in America had been reduced to 10 per cent. In describing Tip’s bedrock beliefs, Senator Ted Kennedy said, ‘He was never afraid to speak out for the average man and woman – the worker trying to keep a job, the child

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
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A civilian airliner in the firing line
Kees van der Pijl

demonstrations. For Ukraine, the agreement would have had grave economic consequences, but in the eyes of many, especially the urban middle classes, Yanukovich’s readiness to accept a Russian counteroffer was a missed chance to stop the plunder by the oligarchy, by then including the president’s family. As I  argue in Chapter  3, the armed seizure of power on 22 February 2014 occurred on the back of these demonstrations and put state power in the hands of Ukrainian ultra-​nationalists and actual fascists. The EU, which had mediated between the president and the opposition

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
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Displaced persons in the Italian linguistic space during the First World War
Marco Mondini and Francesco Frizzera

) soon erupted into violent and widespread street fighting. An unexpectedly violent confrontation erupted in many cities between enclaves of middle-class pro-war youths and their opponents until the Italian army opened fire against Austria-Hungary (not Germany) in May 1915. Then there was the royal army: according to the ‘nation under arms’ theorists and a broad band of right-wing journalists, it was supposed to be the most tangible demonstration of national unity, a compact, disciplined, egalitarian community of warrior citizens devoted to the monarch. In actual fact

in Europe on the move
Kees van der Pijl

also dates from the Volcker Shock and soon assumed the format of a veritable ‘revenge of the rentier’26 –​the class fraction whose ‘euthanasia’ Keynes had recommended in the 1930s to make the management of mass production and national class compromise viable. Privatisation policies gave asset-​owning middle classes a chance to profit from booming stock markets, whilst rising asset prices, notably real estate, allowed them to borrow against the value of their (mortgaged) property. As defeats of the labour movement multiplied, the post-​war class compromise was

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
Mariusz Korzeniowski

.38 Among the refugees were workers who had not been evacuated eastwards along with the industrial plants. It is not easy to determine their number either, particularly because many among the workers and their families already lived and worked in Russia before the mass evacuation from the Kingdom of Poland and the part of Galicia occupied by the Russians.39 As indicated earlier, landowners, the middle class and the bourgeoisie also became refugees, forced by the aforementioned v 73 v Mariusz Korzeniowski ­ ecisions of the Russian authorities, the events of war and the

in Europe on the move
Michaël Amara

Alexandra Palace, the place through which the refugees arriving in London transited. The poorest refugees were herded straight away into vast dormitories whereas the upper-class refugees were given tiny furnished rooms on the first floor.8 The Netherlands also made distinction of this kind one of the guiding principles of its policy. The Dutch government distinguished between upper-class, middle-class and working-class refugees. Those who fell into the second and third categories were liable to be sent to refugee camps, whereas the Dutch authorities paid a special

in Europe on the move
Abstract only
Helen Thompson

imposes a non-democratic regime, as did French democracy in 1940. When democracies do fail the international economy can be a direct causal agent of the failure, can matter directly in conjunction with other factors, or can directly explain little. For example, the rise to power of the Nazis was in good part the consequence of first German hyperinflation in 1923, which turned a significant section of the German middle class against Weimar, and then the crash of the international economy in 1929, which produced the misery of mass unemployment. But it also depended on the

in Might, right, prosperity and consent