involuntary poor who might challenge their sense of comfort and prosperity. These middle-class merchants reacted to the needs of marginalized groups in a way that reflected civic values and beliefs. Civic charitable organizations provided money, clothes, and a safe place to rest within the heart of their own communities, in buildings next door to their own homes. At the same time, service to such charitable institutions as the hospital gave an outlet for the intense piousness and desire for religious service that characterized the age. Donating time, money, one's life, to a
city property, including the rebuilding of walls and oversight of some farmland outside the city walls. 75 Essentially, they became the village within the city. Their many responsibilities included the founding or administration of local hospitals.
By the fourteenth century, neighbourhood associations replaced many of the old family patriciate alliances and patronage systems, which often included not just secular but ecclesiastical elites. These alliances were politically, economically, and socially, beneficial particularly to those middle-class
Klapisch-Zuber, Women, family and ritual ,
pp. 317–19; Bell, How to do it , pp. 24– 5;
Cadden, Meanings of sex difference , p. 237; Ross, ‘The
middle-class child’, p. 206. There was a very limited
literature on how to produce a female: Rowland (ed.), Medieval
woman’s guide to health , pp. 168
and the built environment have been used throughout time and space to make a visual statement of being in the world. This practice continued in the twentieth century in the form of aspirational country house purchasing, or what Evelyn Waugh called the ‘cult’ of the country house. In the twenty-first century, it is the upper middleclasses striving to buy a second home in the country, reflecting ‘a distinct bourgeois culture’ (Ganesh, 2017 ). This can be paralleled with tower house builders striving to improve their position.
It is also a
Nest, being ‘less discreet than her husband, apparently, was carried off by a Welsh prince, not without encouragement from the lady’. Stawell then explains: ‘But when one hears that the discreet Gerald escaped on this occasion by creeping down a drain-pipe, one feels that there was some excuse after all for Nest.’ 38 Stawell here draws on the portrayal of Gerald’s shameful escape which is seen as a justification for Nest’s decision to encourage Owain.
In the 1930s motor tours began to be popular with the middleclasses as cars became more
confraternal and lay and tertiary religious orders had been oriented to the local, neighbourhood, or parish community. They had been a manifest expression of lay piety and community networking of the high Middle Ages. By the fifteenth century there were far fewer small, independent groups and a few large, civic sanctioned organizations had taken their place. Middle-class families still found an avenue to power and influence in these groups but they were much more closely connected to the city government than in the past. These groups were thus very amenable to unification
. Constable, ‘Was there a medieval middleclass? Mediocres ( mediani, medii ) in the Middle Ages’, in S. K. Cohn and S. A. Epstein (eds), Portraits of Medieval and Renaissance Living. Essays in Honour of David Herlihy (Ann Arbor, MI, 1996), pp. 301–24.
9 Fulbert of Chartres, Ep. 86, ed. F. Behrends, The Letters and Poems of Fulbert of Chartres (Oxford, 1976), pp. 152–4.
10 Annales Altahenses s.a. 1044, ed. E. von Oefele, MGH SSrG 4 (Hannover, 1891), p. 38.
11 Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe 900–1300 , 2nd edn (Oxford, 1997), pp. xlvii, 258
, the proper clothing and a
recommendation for controlling the passions. Personal daily plans,
emphasising routine and regime, were compiled for young English nobles,
while more general texts were available in Middle English for
apprentices and servants. Instruction could be found for the
middle-class urban boy in The childe of Bristowe and The
merchant and his son , while How the good wife
middle walks of life’. 82 The latter comment is a criticism of middle-class manners and perhaps is intended as a critique of modernism; it may also have been part of a reaction to the negative comments that were made by education commissioners in the 1847 Report into the State of Education in Wales , which became known as Bard y Llyfray Gleision or ‘Treachery of the Blue Books’. 83 The attributes of ‘fine ladyism’ are ill-defined, yet it is clear that the lives of Welsh women were of importance to Welsh history. Not all contemporaries would agree: women are rarely
, it more closely resembles the devotional texts, which it
accompanies in other manuscripts. Accordingly, the arrangement
of texts in this codex raises important questions about the organisational principles governing the selection and copying of these
items, and about the ways in which they were read by their first
In this chapter I reassess the ‘provincial household’ status of
CUL Ff.2.38 in relation to middle-class literary interests and with
a view to uncovering evidence of a receptive approach among provincial readers to cultural developments taking