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of analysis beyond the purely discursive approach discussed here is required. Colin Coulter Coulter examines the unionist middle classes and notes that Direct Rule has brought about a dependence that has resulted in a sullen disenchantment, the politics of inertia, a political ambivalence about the British Government and an indifference about political affairs, all of which
transformative impact on the existing sectarian geography of Belfast, and that the political agreement itself has been unable to affect any real transformation of the ethno-national division in society’. Murtagh ( 2008 : 4) argues that if one looks at largely middle-class South Belfast, new forms of segregation can be seen emerging based on housing tenure and class. Gaffikin et al. ( 2016 : 62) suggest that the housing regeneration
predominantly from the middle classes. The educational background of 44.4 per cent of the interwar cohort is unknown but 48.3 per cent had attended a boarding school, while only 7.3 per cent went to a day school. Moreover, the father's occupation is known for ninety-nine officers (or 64 per cent of the cohort). Of these 32.4 per cent were the sons of university-educated professionals, such as
invisibility may have been a strategy of assimilation or conformity, the ‘result of ‘ethnic fade’ in middle-class Irish immigrant communities, a strategy employed to avoid discriminatory attitudes’. 44 This may have also been impacted by sensitivities due to Ireland's neutral status. I have raised the question elsewhere of whether or not this proved problematic for Irish nurses and
he notes that middle-class professional and business people ‘are no less bigoted or obscurantist than those they purport to despise’ ( ibid ., p. 317) and that ‘[i]t is a mistake to think of Northern Ireland as a society where sectarianism and bigotry are found only in working-class areas. Division and prejudice permeate the whole society. Conflict is endemic’ ( ibid ., p
’s historical agenda; until the first half of the twenty-first century their aim was to provide adequate living standards for the masses of the working class. Together with health insurance reform, ATP took universalism a step further by bringing the middle class into the welfare state. 12 In the transition between the 1950s and 1960s, the Labour movement’s focus shifted from these large-scale social insurance reforms to social
had strong supportive networks across many working-class nationalist areas and sympathy in some middle-class neighbourhoods, loyalist former prisoners commonly report greater isolation and exclusion outside a limited number of enclaves. Moreover, there remain institutional barriers to reintegration. Although support for policing now permeates loyalist and republican communities, former combatants may
assault and inter-community violence. Yet a sense of ‘second-class’ citizenship was not confined to republicans. It was also evident among those loyalists who felt duped by ‘Middle Unionism’, comprising those who represent the unionist electorate and the middle classes. The disconnection between middle-class unionism and working-class loyalism was of importance in some loyalists later questioning what
recipient of funds for major economic regeneration (see Irvin and Byrne, 2004 ). Prior to the global financial crisis, this major investment had been accompanied by increasing levels of employment opportunity and economic prosperity. This rise in employment opportunities, particularly within the public sector, has led to an increasingly prosperous middle class, particularly within the Catholic community
women, this was itself a welcome emancipation from the middle-class home. ‘No one felt prouder of her uniform than I did,’ recalled VAD Marguerite Fedden. 73 Yet a uniform also connoted the obedience and subservience of domestic service. Furse decried those volunteers who not only felt at liberty to assert their taste and class by customising their uniforms with fur and pearls, but