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The Journal of Humanitarian Affairs is an exciting, new open access journal
hosted jointly by The Humanitarian Affairs Team at Save the Children UK, and
Centre de Réflexion sur l’Action et les Savoirs Humanitaires MSF (Paris) and the
Humanitarian and Conflict Response Institute at the University of Manchester. It
will contribute to current thinking around humanitarian governance, policy and
practice with academic rigour and political courage. The journal will challenge
contributors and readers to think critically about humanitarian issues that are
often approached from reductionist assumptions about what experience and
evidence mean. It will cover contemporary, historical, methodological and
applied subject matters and will bring together studies, debates and literature
reviews. The journal will engage with these through diverse online content,
including peer reviewed articles, expert interviews, policy analyses, literature
reviews and ‘spotlight’ features.
Our rationale can be summed up as
follows: the sector is growing and is facing severe ethical and practical
challenges. The Journal of Humanitarian Affairs will provide a space for serious
and inter-disciplinary academic and practitioner exchanges on pressing issues of
international interest.
The journal aims to be a home and platform for
leading thinkers on humanitarian affairs, a place where ideas are floated,
controversies are aired and new research is published and scrutinised. Areas in
which submissions will be considered include humanitarian financing, migrations
and responses, the history of humanitarian aid, failed humanitarian
interventions, media representations of humanitarianism, the changing landscape
of humanitarianism, the response of states to foreign interventions and critical
debates on concepts such as resilience or security.
(resulting in significantly larger classes). In turn, the reduction of employment and pension rights is resulting in an unsustainable strain on service providers and the potential ‘migration’ of employees, current and future, away from UNRWA. Nonetheless, while justified through reference to the ‘severity of the funding shortfall’, the reduction of services must be viewed as part of a broader historical trend in defunding and shrinking UNRWA, and in conjunction with the incremental restriction of Palestinians’ employment and pension rights. In
. If humanitarian certainties have been upended, it is not in Sri Lanka, or even Syria or Afghanistan, but in the NGO response to the migration crisis in Greece and in the Mediterranean. For here, whether they like it or not, when they rescue people at sea who are trying to get to Europe, relief NGOs are involved not just in caritative work, whose deontology is relatively straightforward ethically; here, they are important actors in a profound political struggle, whose outcome, along with the response or non-response to climate change, is likely to
governance in Jordan. Recent scholarship on gender and forced migration emphasises ‘women’s multiple positions within conflict and displacement situations, and […] female agency rather than depicting women as non-agentic victims’ ( Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2014 : 395; cf. Hajdukowski-Ahmed et al. , 2008 ; Freedman et al. , 2017 ). Still, women seem to be visible in the Syria humanitarian response in binary ways, either as victims (of gender
-named Triton, which, however, did not result in a decrease of drownings in the Mediterranean. Privately funded NGOs have carried out SAR missions in the Mediterranean since August 2014, when Migration Offshore Aid Station (MOAS), which was founded and largely funded by Maltese-based entrepreneurs Christopher and Regina Catrambone, commenced SAR operations with its rescue vessel M/Y Phoenix . MOAS was soon joined by established humanitarian organisations such as Save the Children and NGOs specifically set up to carry out SAR missions. Their approaches varied, with MOAS and
people access to information – facts – on the situation in the Mediterranean, so that they at least are able to form their own judgement on it. They can then decide whether they have a responsibility. Definitely the need is there. After eleven years with MSF, it was really this kind of political and social engagement that interested me. SOS is a ‘hydroponic NGO’, if I may put it like that – nourished from below. Working with the organisation in Switzerland is particularly interesting, given that the country is not very open-minded on migration. It
market and manage their own time and tasks through work available through smartphones ( Easton-Calabria, 2019 ). While digital work can certainly bring about positive changes in the context of forced migration, dominant imaginaries around the role of the digital in refugees’ economic lives tend to reflect a broader neoliberal project that envisions a retreat of the welfare state and the increased marketisation of humanitarianism ( Ramsay, 2020 ). The process
to refugee numbers – any numbers that some legitimate organisation would give them. This could be collected data, such as on border crossings, but also estimations of how many Ukrainians might have reached different countries, as well as the above-described initial guesses about future refugee numbers. Since the interwar period of the twentieth century, statistics on refugees have been produced and used to control migration and population. Statistics have been supposed to help re
investigation into the alleged involvement of individuals in human trafficking and abetting illegal migration. Two other prosecutors also launched inquiries of their own, in Palermo and Cagliari. Several MSF staff were informed they were under investigation, although none have been charged, as were staff of Save the Children. Similar accusations were made by senior government ministers in Belgium ( Baczynska, 2017 ), in Austria ( Die Presse , 2017 ) and
) . 11 DV/IPV – Domestic Violence/Intimate Partner Violence. 12 See Pillay (2001) . Works Cited Ager , A. ( 2014 ), ‘ Health and Forced Migration ’, in Fiddian-Qasmiyeh , E. , Loescher , G