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Claudia Merli and Trudi Buck

This article considers the contexts and processes of forensic identification in 2004 post-tsunami Thailand as examples of identity politics. The presence of international forensic teams as carriers of diverse technical expertise overlapped with bureaucratic procedures put in place by the Thai government. The negotiation of unified forensic protocols and the production of estimates of identified nationals straddle biopolitics and thanatocracy. The immense identification task testified on the one hand to an effort to bring individual bodies back to mourning families and national soils, and on the other hand to determining collective ethnic and national bodies, making sense out of an inexorable and disordered dissolution of corporeal as well as political boundaries. Individual and national identities were the subject of competing efforts to bring order to,the chaos, reaffirming the cogency of the body politic by mapping national boundaries abroad. The overwhelming forensic effort required by the exceptional circumstances also brought forward the socio-economic and ethnic disparities of the victims, whose post-mortem treatment and identification traced an indelible divide between us and them.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Liene Ozoliņa

crisis and how it played out in Latvia. I consider time as a form of control that the state can exercise upon the citizen but also as a narrative that becomes part of the national identity, as well as an organising logic1 that states themselves can be subdued by in the global geopolitical and economic order. This analysis draws on the sociological premise that time is political and that it often works as a tool of power (Thompson 1967; Schwartz 1975; Verdery 1996; Bourdieu 2000, 2014). The state, in particular, plays a central role in organising our experience of time

in Politics of waiting
Open Access (free)
Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland
Jelena Tošić

reference to the historical border crossing is a brilliant way both to legitimate the ambiguity of ethno-national identity and stay in line with patrilineal ideology. Moreover, in the Paljević case, the ethno-national aspect of diversity is not only ambiguous, but is also superseded by other aspects of identity and social differentiation, primarily by the fact that the Paljević are successors to a famous and respected 94 Migrating borders and moving times 4.5 Beçir Tafa (centre), the Bajraktar of Tuzi, Montenegro (Ulqini 2003:82) family of Bajraktars. The title of the

in Migrating borders and moving times
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A conclusion
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert

the nineteenth century helped disseminate the sport well beyond Europe. As sport became tied to various national projects, international tournaments helped entrench football as a marker of national identity (Sugden and Tomlinson, 1998; Martin, 2004). In parallel, football has become a source of local attachment since its origins (Mason, 1980; 1988; Holt, 1989; Russell, 1997). Football clubs invariably took the name of the locale in which they were located (Giulianotti, 1999). In many places, particularly Western Europe, this has become more pronounced since the 1980

in Ultras
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Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert

. After the overthrow of communism, the club changed its name three times: firstly, the name ‘HSK-Građanski’  –  referring to pre-communist era  –  returned; next it was ‘Croatia’, tied to the project of building new nation; finally, from 2000, the name ‘Dinamo’ has been resurrected. These changes in Dinamo’s name were deeply disputed, reflecting diverging opinions about which parts of history – and consequently which version of Croatian national identity – the team was to be associated with. In essence, what unfolded around Dinamo and the name dispute was a struggle

in Ultras
Tracing sources of recent neo-conservatism in Poland
Agnieszka Kościańska

? Do we want a state based on equality, or one based on patriarchal religion? In his study of homophobia in Hungary, Hadley Renkin argues: ‘LGBT activists propose their own competing vision for postsocialist Hungarian identity. This vision fundamentally challenges right-wing notions of identity and community and has contributed to the dramatic growth in public homophobia over the last several years, culminating in the attacks on the last two Pride Marches’ ( 2009 : 27). As such, Renkin suggests that homophobia should be understood as a struggle over national identity

in Intimacy and mobility in an era of hardening borders
Open Access (free)
Crossing borders, changing times
Madeleine Hurd, Hastings Donnan, and Carolin Leutloff-Grandits

study of the treatment of the corpses of migrants who tried to cross the Aegean Sea, Kovras and Robins (Chapter 8) describe how dead or missing migrants are constituted as a singular legal, political and moral category. While alive, the migrant body is indissolubly tied to its original territory, and carries with it its distinctive national identity, its belonging and its illicit practices. Living, the undocumented migrant is abjected – without the right to have rights (Agamben 1998). At the same time, however, they must be managed, processed and decisions taken on

in Migrating borders and moving times
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Displaced borders in Skopje and the Colorful Revolution
Rozita Dimova

the republic. The consecutive rule of the Social Democratic Alliance (SDSM) since the 1991 independence of Macedonia – with the exception of the period 1998–2002, when VMRO-DPMNE and the Democratic Alternative won the 1998 elections – was viewed by the right-wing demo-Christians in the VMRO-DPMNE as a continuation of the socialist legacy, not only detrimental to the economic well-being of the citizens, but especially disadvantageous for the preservation of Macedonian national identity. The revival introduced in 2006–7 thus aimed at correcting the lingering socialist

in Border porosities
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Stewart Allen

within notions of development, enlightenment and the formation of the state. Slogans and policies such as ‘India Shining’ and ‘Power for all’ are intimately entwined with ideas of development and advancement, helping to project and give shape to national and international imaginaries of modernity and progress. The provision of light in this instance is concerned not just with improved living standards and economic production but also with the transformation of national identity and selfhood. Successful solar development projects depend not only on robust networks of

in An ethnography of NGO practice in India
Open Access (free)
Negotiating sovereign claims in Oaxacan post-mortem repatriation
Lars Ove Trans

. The relation between national identity and death, underscored by the consul, has been explored by Anderson (2006: 13), who points out that with the ebbing of religious modes of thought, the idea of nation provided a ‘secular transformation of fatality into continuity, contingency into meaning’. The meaning provided by the idea of nation to fatality is, as Anderson argues, captured in the public ceremonial reverence accorded to cenotaphs and tombs of Unknown Soldiers (2006: 9), which serves to reinforce the idea of heroic death and produce national heroes who gave

in Governing the dead