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Douglas Blum

2504Chap2 7/4/03 12:38 pm Page 29 2 Contested national identities and weak state structures in Eurasia Douglas Blum Since their very inception, many of the Soviet successor states have been beset by ethnic violence, crime, trafficking – in arms, drugs and people – terrorism, poverty, pollution and migration.1 Most have also faced deeper problems of legitimacy and ideological drift. To a significant extent these pathologies can be traced back to the delegitimisation of the entire Soviet world view, and the lack of any viable replacement. The existence of an

in Limiting institutions?
Language, politics and counter-terrorism
Author: Richard Jackson

This book is about the public language of the 'war on terrorism' and the way in which language has been deployed to justify and normalise a global campaign of counter-terrorism. It explains how the war on terrorism has been reproduced and amplified by key social actors and how it has become the dominant political narrative in America today, enjoying widespread bipartisan and popular support. The book also explains why the language of politics is so important and the main methodological approach for analysing the language of counter-terrorism, namely, critical discourse analysis. Then, it provides the comparison drawn between the September 11, 2001 attacks and World War II and the attack on Pearl Harbor. One of the most noticeable aspects of the language surrounding the attacks of September 11, 2001 is its constant reference to tragedy, grievance and the exceptional suffering of the American people. The book focuses on the way in which language was deployed to construct the main identities of the protagonists. It demonstrates how terrorism is rhetorically constructed as posing a catastrophic threat to the American 'way of life', to freedom, liberty and democracy and even to civilisation itself. The book analyses how the administration's counter-terrorism campaign has been rhetorically constructed as an essentially 'good' and 'just war', similar to America's role in World War II. Finally, the book concludes that responsible citizens have a moral duty to oppose and resist the official language of counter-terrorism.

Ronit Lentin

’s insistence that if you cannot do what matters, you turn to what matters less but which you can do, is particularly potent. Identitybuilding thus becomes one of many ‘substitute pastimes’, invented as community Collapses; but although community-creating seems to dim our solitude, at least for a time, it ultimately signifies a retreat from politics. National identity, Bauman further suggests, was from the start a battle cry, a project calling for gigantic effort and the application of a lot of force to make sure the cry is heard and obeyed. The national territory had to

in Co-memory and melancholia
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Security politics and identity policy
Anthony Burke

define and solidify Australian national identity have always been contested and unstable, how they have been linked with tangible conflicts over land, injustice and power, and how they have been closely intertwined with anxieties about (and discourses of) insecurity. It then goes on to challenge these approaches on two levels: normatively, it argues that such a politics forestalls

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
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Claire Sutherland

-German partnership, which indirectly promotes a national identity embedded within European structures. Education in Germany and Vietnam Textbooks ‘showcase the different, and changing, language, stories, myths and images involved in schools’ mediation between the state and its citizens’ (Kennedy 2006 , 146). For instance, education was recognised and pursued as a key means of nation-building in nineteenth century German

in Soldered states
P. G. Wodehouse, transatlantic romances in fiction, and the Anglo-American relationship
Finn Pollard

always did like Americans.” “I’m not one,” said Jimmy; but his lordship went on, unchecked.’ 67 Such dialogue is suggestive perhaps of the shallowness of these national identities, but also of the ease with which nationality in these environments can be transcended. Or, of course, it may simply be that Wodehouse was producing in a hurry and spent no longer than actually necessary to amend the particular versions for their particular markets. Finally, there is the theme of transatlantic romance. As noted earlier this was the obvious Anglo-American theme for the

in Culture matters
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Nation-building in Germany and Vietnam

This book examines nation-building ideology in the soldered states of Vietnam and Germany. Official nation-building ideology is understood here as the government-led construction of national identity, memory and history in order to promote an 'imagined community'. This ideology aims to maintain legitimacy within territorial limits, those of the state, and defines the limits of national belonging accordingly. The German and Vietnamese experiences are similar in using regional integration not only to improve their international standing, but also their domestic legitimacy. Comparison of Vietnam and Germany shows that despite contextual disparities, common trends emerge in governments' handling of advantages and obstacles to nation-building. Both soldered states face the same challenge of post-unification state legitimation. Their governments also use both nationalist and regionalist narratives in pursuit of that goal, offering insights into the ideological construction of communities in the context of past, divergent development. In sum, the German and Vietnamese cases have been chosen for their shared experience of national division, communism and participation in regional integration projects, namely the European Union (EU) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). These themes are examined through empirical examples of nation-building ideology - namely selected cityscapes, museums and textbooks - with an analytical focus on national icons, heroes and myths as nodal points of nation-building.

Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force
Author: Jeremy Pressman

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.

Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

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Edwin Bacon, Bettina Renz, and Julian Cooper

as a security issue then there is a related discourse with a specific rhetorical construct by which a political actor claims the right to take an issue into the security sphere. Such a discourse introduces a sense of urgency and threat, identifying a particular issue as posing a grave danger to a key referent object, such as the state, national identity, or the economy. From investigating this process in relation to a range of different policy areas, it is possible to draw together the key concepts which are most commonly portrayed in Russian official discourse as

in Securitising Russia