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Claudia Merli and Trudi Buck

This article considers the contexts and processes of forensic identification in 2004 post-tsunami Thailand as examples of identity politics. The presence of international forensic teams as carriers of diverse technical expertise overlapped with bureaucratic procedures put in place by the Thai government. The negotiation of unified forensic protocols and the production of estimates of identified nationals straddle biopolitics and thanatocracy. The immense identification task testified on the one hand to an effort to bring individual bodies back to mourning families and national soils, and on the other hand to determining collective ethnic and national bodies, making sense out of an inexorable and disordered dissolution of corporeal as well as political boundaries. Individual and national identities were the subject of competing efforts to bring order to,the chaos, reaffirming the cogency of the body politic by mapping national boundaries abroad. The overwhelming forensic effort required by the exceptional circumstances also brought forward the socio-economic and ethnic disparities of the victims, whose post-mortem treatment and identification traced an indelible divide between us and them.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
A cinematic saga
François Dubuisson

, ‘ Exodus as a Zionist Melodrama ’ ( 1999 ) 4 Israel Studies 129–52 ; Yosefa Loshitzky, ‘National Rebirth as a Movie: Otto Preminger’s Exodus ’ (2002) 4 National Identities 119–31; Schweitzer, Le cinéma israélien , 61. 7 This theme is also at the centre of the first Hollywood production dedicated to the events that led to the birth of the State of Israel: Sword in the Desert (George Sherman, USA, 1949). 8 The question of the legal basis for the creation of the State of Israel has given rise to intense doctrinal debates. See James Crawford , The

in Cinematic perspectives on international law
Laura Cahillane

the status of British citizenship as such’.34 Mary Daly has described the form of ‘local citizenship’ which existed in the Dominions as purely domestic.35 This notion was set out by Patrick McGilligan36 during a speech to the Imperial Conference in 1930: ‘At present when a Canadian, South African or New Zealand national goes to France or Germany or even to Great Britain he loses his national identity. He becomes one of the vast mass of British subjects without legal right or title to be proud of his particular nationhood.’37 Kohn, Constitution of the Irish Free

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution
Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

often has particularly deleterious consequences for women. Successful wars of ‘liberation’ or self-determination, for example, often result in the assertion of a new national identity that may relegate women to a limited, private sphere, as occurred in Algeria in the 1950s 64 and is most evident in the 1990s in Afghanistan. The prolonged fighting in Afghanistan from the mid-1980s produced, in 1997, an

in The boundaries of international law
Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

women suffer in particular ways during 14 and after conflict. 15 Women’s experiences of conflict have varied greatly depending upon such factors as national identity, race, class, economic circumstances, urban or rural location, family situation, age, employment and health. Other variables are whether they were actively involved in combat, were imprisoned or detained, or attempted to maintain civilian life within or outside the

in The boundaries of international law
Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

’ so limited in international law?; why is it so difficult to perceive women as a group for the purposes of self-determination, refugee status or national identity?; why can we conceive of a state in terms of religion or in terms of race, while a ‘feminist’ state seems bizarre?; in what ways do the traditional rules of international law fail to respond to the new realities of the global order?; what

in The boundaries of international law

-Parliamentary Union, peace comes from dialogue and communication, which is a principle in its own right. 179 The ASEAN constitution sketches out peace and security obligations most clearly, requiring that ASEAN members show the following: respect for the independence, sovereignty, equality, territorial integrity and national identity of all ASEAN Member States; shared commitment and collective responsibility in enhancing regional peace, security and prosperity; renunciation of aggression and of the

in The values of international organizations