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What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
Catherine Baker

critiques developed throughout the 1990s as tropes about ‘the Balkans’ multiplied through and around accounts of the Yugoslav wars (often, erroneously, called the ‘Balkan’ wars) (Todorova 1997 ; Goldsworthy 1998 ; Bjelić and Savić (eds) 2002 ). Bakić-Hayden's and Todorova's very terminology wove Said into their discipline: Bakić-Hayden ( 1995 ) wrote of ‘nesting orientalisms’ (e.g. Croatian narratives framing Croats as ‘European’ and Serbs, across a symbolic boundary of national identity, as ‘Balkan’, even as Slovenian identity narratives laid the European

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Open Access (free)
Catherine Baker

modernity and blackness to their imagined opposite. They have also been subjected to racialising judgements themselves. Often, they have been involved in processes of racialisation running ‘up’ and ‘down’ simultaneously, even as the region's peripherality in European colonial history and its peripheralisation in the contemporary European economy have been adduced as reasons to disidentify Yugoslavia and its national identities from race. There are thus at least three modes for relating race to the Yugoslav region: a mode of indifference, colour-blindness or – to use the

in Race and the Yugoslav region
David Miller

-drawing. This is true even in cases where people's political identities are complex, and the jurisdictional solution needs to mirror this complexity, allowing for minorities within minorities and so forth. 10 It is less successful as a principle of individual inclusion: it is not acceptable on democratic grounds to make citizenship rights dependent upon a person's national identity – though it is acceptable, I believe, to forge links between the two

in Democratic inclusion
Catherine Baker

–conservative and liberal national identity discourses most evidently in Slovenia (Mihelj 2005 ; Petrović 2009 ; Longinović 2011 ), but also elsewhere. Identity narratives at the north-west end of ‘nesting orientalisms’ (Bakić-Hayden 1995 ) trained racialising lenses south-east across the Balkans towards Muslim and dark-skinned refugees and migrants entering Europe. Slovenian and Croatian nationalism's performative rejection of Yugoslav state socialism and Yugoslav multi-ethnicity appeared to have also swept Yugoslav anti-colonial solidarities away. While

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Catherine Baker

from Britain, France, the Netherlands or Germany; yet others have situated the region's national identities in genuine solidarity with the subjects of colonial oppression and the marginalisation of blackness. The puzzle of how the same collective identities could lend themselves to both positions is the subject of this book. Translations of Black European dance music: national and racialised bodies The most unambiguous identification of nationhood with Europeanness through an explicitly racialised geopolitical imagination in

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Catherine Baker

advancement in an empire stratifying access to power around religion not ethnicity or race, created a new Muslim South Slav ethno-religious identity among these men's descendants. ‘Bosnian Muslim’ identity, with South Slav linguistic heritage but Islamic religious identity/traditions, increasingly paralleled Serb (Orthodox) and Croat (Catholic) ethno-national identities during the twentieth century, even if it had first indexed a class/religion intersection; Tito's Yugoslavia institutionalised Muslim ethnicity by including it as a census ‘nation’ (nacija) in 1971 (Markowitz

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Open Access (free)
Identities and incitements
Saurabh Dube

entailing territorial-historical space-time. In such questioning, a key role has been played by the acute recognition that nations, nationalisms, and national identities are historical and social artifacts and processes, constructed temporally and spatially. This is to say that, although nations, nationalisms, and the identities they spawn are among the most consequential features of modern times, they

in Subjects of modernity
Open Access (free)
Rainer Bauböck

. Miller is nevertheless right that there is a “tradeoff between thicker and more motivationally powerful forms of national identity and thinner and weaker, but more inclusive, forms” (p. 141). But this tradeoff should not be regarded as a static one. Growing interdependence between countries and growing mobility across their borders mean that national identities become not only ever more exclusionary but are also increasingly mobilized for the

in Democratic inclusion
Eurosclerosis (1959– 84) and the second phase of integration (1985– 2003)
Peter J. Verovšek

geopolitical position between east and west was not just a feature Finland’s foreign policy. On the contrary, ‘It was a civic religion that guided domestic politics, economics, as well as individual Finns’ contacts with and views of the world abroad.’ 95 Given the centrality of the so-called Paasikivi-Kekkonen Line, the disintegration of the USSR represented a threat to Finnish national identity as it had been constructed in collective memory since 1945. 96 The decision to enter the EU after 1990 was a symbolic ‘return’ to Europe after nearly half a century of isolating

in Memory and the future of Europe
The Eurozone crisis, Brexit, and possible disintegration
Peter J. Verovšek

-globalization world.’ 79 In addition to these national and generational dynamics, policy attitudes also played an important role in the vote. Most notably, those who voted Leave noted that their primary concerns were high levels of immigration – driven by the EU’s guarantee of the freedom of movement – and the loss of national identity (particularly English national identity). These nostalgic preferences were correlated with more ‘authoritarian’ attitudes confirming the findings of the Frankfurt School and Adorno’s classic study of the authoritarian personality. 80 In

in Memory and the future of Europe