The article explores some aspects of the intellectual climate of the first half
of the nineteenth century and the new ideas about race and national identity.
These in turn help to explain contemporary changes in historical perspective,
particularly in respect to the English Reformation. Disraeli‘s novels reflect
the ideas of the time on the above topics and echo contemporary historians in
their views on the Reformation, its causes, and the religious and social changes
that it brought about.
Hartmann Schedel’s Liber Chronicarum (1493), better known as the Nuremberg Chronicle, pictures and describes world civilisations and illustrious individuals from Creation to 1493. Although its sources and circumstances of production have been extensively explored, the cultural significance of its many woodcut images has received far less attention. This preliminary study highlights relationships between images, audience and the humanist agenda of Schedel and his milieu by examining selected representations of cultural outsiders with reference to external illustrated genres that demonstrated the centrality of Others in German Christian culture. I argue that the Chronicle’s images of ‘foreign bodies’ harnessed their audience’s established fascination with monsters, wonders, witchcraft, Jews and the Ottoman Turks to advance the German humanist goal of elevating the position of Germania on the world historical stage and in so doing, contributed to the emerging idea of a German national identity.
synthesized naturalistic and cultural elements and also because they integrated religious considerations.
Zalkind and Steinberg combined naturalist and culturalist approaches, emphasizing ties, not only of language and kinship, but also shared culture. However, by treating diaspora as an essential component of Jewish peoplehood, they denied that a shared homeland or even a common locality is a central feature of nationalidentity. Ashlag and Alexandrov held Jews to be united as a people on the basis of kinship ties, but understood these ties in spiritual
sacrifice, holiness and piety of women religious and reflecting religious life as the ‘higher call’ for women. 24 From the 1940s, additional genres were used to publicise religious life: nun memoirs, apologetic texts and vocation promotion literature. Though much of the vocation promotion literature was meant for a local audience; some of this print literature, particularly the memoirs, became transnational cultural products circulating around the English-speaking world. These works often muted nationalidentity, telling a story of a Modern Girl that was relatable across
church assemblies in Scotland. Given the
absence of any centralising tendency in Presbyterianism, it is difficult to argue that
special worship helped nurture the kind of Scottish nationalidentity that scholars argue was
‘perpetuated and enhanced’ in the colonial world. 65 The situation was more complicated: as the Canadian
example shows, the tendency in heterogenous colonies was for traditions to blend, and for
Scottish and English traditions to come together to form new and uniquely colonial
favored over both — presumably to communicate that they are not in contradiction but actually one and the same thing. This is because the Torah of Israel ‘has the form of the universal,’ making it fitting for mankind entire (Alexandrov 1931 , 22). Thus, it is ‘by the light of Judaism’ that ‘we see the universal light that shines throughout the world (Alexandrov 1886a , 73).’
This claim about the nature of the Torah positioned Alexandrov to define Jewish nationalidentity in Fichtean terms. In some rabbinic sources, the biblical verse ‘you, my
empire narrowed. Clergymen made sense of
what it was to be the inhabitant of a new colonial nation, or the member of a distinctive
regional community. The regional attachments did not dissipate as the dominions embraced new
nationalidentities, and as the ‘homogenising forces’ of war, telegraph
communication and responsible government concentrated attention on larger groupings and
higher forms of identity. 130
Colonial preachers brought with them from Britain the notion that societies
formed single entities that shared
Press, 2010), p. 93.
16 John Turpin, ‘Visual Marianism and nationalidentity in Ireland:
1920–1960’, in Art, Nation and Gender: Ethnic Landscapes, Myths
and Mother-Figures, ed. Tricia Cusack and Síghle Bhreathnach-Lynch
(Hampshire, UK: Ashgate, 2003), p. 73.
17 Catherine L. Innes, Woman and Nation in Irish Literature and Society,
1880–1935 (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1993), p. 41.
18 Innes, Woman and Nation.
19 Fitzpatrick, ‘“A share of the honeycomb”’, p. 168; Wolf, An IrishSpeaking Island.
20 Hill, Women in Ireland, p. 108.
21 Southern Star, 9 May
‘the book is our territory, the spring and source of our nationalidentity,’ the ground to which our national ‘umbilical cord is attached (Heyn 1963 , 198–199).’ Later on, however, he would argue not only that ‘the eternal people requires its own portion in the world, its own private domain, its own borders’ but also that the ‘strictest justice’ dictates that ‘our rights to this land,’ rooted in the bible itself ‘are far greater than the rights of any other nation to its own (Heyn 1970 , 171).’ From insisting on the right to land, he proceeded to defend the
, the Irish-born contingent continued to fall during the course of the
next forty years.42 Many of the Irish-born immigrants remained in England
and Wales and gave birth to children whose ethnicity would be influenced by
their ‘Irishness’ although their birthplace would be England. Their
catholicity was as much a badge of their culture, nationalidentity and
separateness as it was of their faith. Yet regular attendance at Mass and the
practice of Catholic devotions by Irish Catholics were less than rigorous.
John Bossy’s research indicates that only half the Irish