English women religious, the exile
male colleges and nationalidentities
in Counter-Reformation Europe
James E. Kelly
In 1598, the first English convent was established in Brussels and was to be
followed by a further twenty-one establishments across Flanders and France with
around four thousand women entering them over the following two hundred
years. Most were enclosed convents, in theory cut off from the outside world.
However, in practice the nuns were not isolated and their contacts and networks
spread widely. These contacts included other Catholic exile
Separate but equal? Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland focuses on the historical and current place of religion in the Irish education system from the perspective of children’s rights and citizenship. It offers a critical analysis of the political, cultural and social forces that have perpetuated the patronage system, looks at the ways in which the denominational model has been adapted to increased religious and cultural diversity in Irish society and shows that recent changes have failed to address persistent discrimination and the absence of respect for freedom of conscience. It relates current debates on the denominational system and the role of the State in education to Irish political thought and conceptions of national identity in Ireland, showing the ways in which such debates reflect a tension between nationalist-communitarian and republican political outlooks. There have been efforts towards accommodation and against instances of discrimination within the system, but Irish educational structures still privilege communal and private interests and hierarchies over equal rights, either in the name of a de facto ‘majority’ right to religious domination or by virtue of a deeply flawed and limited view of ‘parental choice’.
a multifaceted institution on a national scale that worked to secure and safeguard a
civil society and a nationalidentity that was distinctively Scottish.
Gallicanism and ultramontanism in the Scottish context
Much of the change that would shape Catholicism in Scotland during the
nineteenth century was sparked by the migration of Catholic Irish, whose
class, culture and imagined racial characteristics found little sympathy with
the native Scots.6 The differences that existed between Catholicism in Ireland
and Scotland was a reflection of the
The last chapter showed how ‘planning for freedom’ helped the Oldham group map a middle way between laissez-faire capitalism and totalitarian collectivism and offer what most members saw as an alternative to Marxism. But confronting totalitarianism, particularly in its right-wing form, also required engaging with nationalism. The group had mixed feelings about nationalidentity: it saw ‘nationality’ as a legitimate aspect of human community but rejected what it distinguished as ‘national ism ’. This led to an ambivalent patriotism and an interest in
themselves to teaching.
This chapter shows how women religious took female elementary education and catholicity in Scotland to a new level, and it is divided into two. It
considers the role that women religious played in the development of Catholic
education and examines how this was interlinked with the state’s ambition to
reduce working-class radicalism and with Scotland’s emerging nationalidentity. The first section outlines educational provision at mid-century and compares it to what existed on the eve of the Education (Scotland) Act of 1872.
The second section
Medievalists of and from Scandinavia and the Baltic, some stimulated by the end of the Cold War and issues of nationalidentity
and relations with an apparently resurgent European community,
could hardly avoid studying crusading in the later middle ages. In
the territories of the Teutonic Knights, the emergence of
Christian Finland and the consolidation of a royal and national
Danish identity, the place of crusading institutions and motifs
could not be ignored.61 Elsewhere, from the 1970s, a group,
initially primarily of British historians, articulated refinements of
send troops into Schleswig in February 1864, bringing war with Denmark. The clash filled the pages of Viennese newspapers, and the emotions it raised penetrated bourgeois society. 61
Unfortunately, while patriotism could bring unity to the Habsburg Empire, it could also drive wedges between people. Patriotic devotion to the Emperor and the principles of the multinational state might encourage people to see their principal loyalty as being to Austria and lead them to regard their nationalidentity as a purely cultural matter. In places such as Tyrol, populated by
, political, and social values.’ 32 They were, rather, a Viennese instance of how, in the context of the franchise systems of the late Empire, scope existed for bourgeois activists to participate in politics. In Bohemia, for instance, national disputes made nationalidentity a focus of a dissatisfied German stratum of society. The Christian Socials and their antisemitism formed a phenomenon that matched the particular political, social and cultural circumstances of Vienna. 33
Catholic priests and the early days of political antisemitism
Among histories of the
From the mid-sixteenth century, Catholics from Protestant jurisdictions established colleges for the education and formation of students in more hospitable Catholic territories abroad. This book draws attention to similarities between colleges which developed in familiar patterns, faced parallel challenges and served analogous functions. One of the more significant developments in university historiography since the 1960s has been the increasing attention devoted to the student experience, an elaboration of the 'history from below' approach which has been so influential in social history. The Collegium Germanicum in Rome was the first abroad college established for the formation of Catholic students from territories under the authority of Protestant reformers. The college opened in the late summer of 1552, the result of an initiative spearheaded by Cardinal Giovanni Morone and the Society of Jesus. The book examines the educational strategies employed by Dutch Catholics, who faced challenges closely related to those of their confessional colleagues across the North Sea. It argues that through the colleges specific Catholic communities in Ireland preserved and sometimes strengthened not only their domestic position but also their transnational and international interests. The book inspects a central issue for all abroad colleges: the role of the college-trained clergy who returned to the domestic churches. Overviewing the Scots, the book addresses the political significance of the colleges, in particular through their relationships to the Stuart monarchy. A study of the Maronite college in Rome uncovers the decisive role played by papal politics, curial interests and, later, Propaganda Fide.
Chapter 5 discusses the trial of the Camisard prophet Elie Marion in 1707 in light of contemporary cases of blasphemy and sedition to consider how enthusiasm challenged the limits of religious tolerance in eighteenth-century England. If Trinitarian Protestants could no longer be prosecuted after the Toleration Act in 1689, how should enthusiasts be dealt with? This chapter not only argues that enthusiasm was no longer perceived as a threat to the state, but also that national identity played a significant part in the Camisard’s trial. It was in fact Huguenot refugees aspiring to be naturalised at a time when Britishness was being defined who brought the Camisards to court as proof of their allegiance to the Crown. Despite its lenient sentence, this trial became one of the most important cases of the eighteenth century.