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Bernadette C. Hayes and Ian McAllister

within the same territory as being the essential endogenous cause of the conflict. In this context, the pattern of national identities in Northern Ireland is not unique, except for two important differences. First, in Northern Ireland national identity has a much greater influence on political preferences and outlooks than is the case in, for example, other parts of the United Kingdom. Identities continue

in Conflict to peace
Language, politics and counter-terrorism
Author: Richard Jackson

This book is about the public language of the 'war on terrorism' and the way in which language has been deployed to justify and normalise a global campaign of counter-terrorism. It explains how the war on terrorism has been reproduced and amplified by key social actors and how it has become the dominant political narrative in America today, enjoying widespread bipartisan and popular support. The book also explains why the language of politics is so important and the main methodological approach for analysing the language of counter-terrorism, namely, critical discourse analysis. Then, it provides the comparison drawn between the September 11, 2001 attacks and World War II and the attack on Pearl Harbor. One of the most noticeable aspects of the language surrounding the attacks of September 11, 2001 is its constant reference to tragedy, grievance and the exceptional suffering of the American people. The book focuses on the way in which language was deployed to construct the main identities of the protagonists. It demonstrates how terrorism is rhetorically constructed as posing a catastrophic threat to the American 'way of life', to freedom, liberty and democracy and even to civilisation itself. The book analyses how the administration's counter-terrorism campaign has been rhetorically constructed as an essentially 'good' and 'just war', similar to America's role in World War II. Finally, the book concludes that responsible citizens have a moral duty to oppose and resist the official language of counter-terrorism.

Negotiating gender identities after the Good Friday Agreement
Theresa O’Keefe

were often less comfortable than those which concerned class and ethno-national identity. In this chapter, I suggest that this is connected to the content of and relative weights given to the three dominant categories in discourse. The narratives of the women interviewed clearly show that, on some level, gender differentiation and dominant gender practices are naturalised, which is in sharp

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict
Lindsey Dodd

in the first instance – to understand that whatever was said to condemn the Allies was rejected by the French. While professional historians may disagree, and archive evidence certainly indicates that many French people held anti-Allied sentiments, the Thomas brothers’ perspective should not be dismissed: it is an important narrative trope that permits the composure of personal, family, generational and national identity; it is a way of making sense of the past. Propaganda is a public instrument that aims to act upon the private individual, manipulating ideas

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
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Lindsey Dodd

memories of childhood survivors, and in family and local memory, he rightly notes that its victims have been ‘largely ignored’ at a national level. This stands in stark contrast to the British experience of the Blitz, which acts as a lieu de mémoire and the backbone of national identity emerging from the Second World War. In France, five times more people were killed by bombing than were shot in German reprisals for acts of resistance, yet les fusilés are commemorated in plaques and statues across France. Resistance and collaboration have dominated versions of ‘the dark

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Teens’ perceptions and experiences of peace walls, flags and murals
Madeleine Leonard

perceptions of the peace walls. This is followed by their views on the murals and the messages they convey about local space. The young people’s attitudes to the use of flags as expressions of national identity are then examined and this is followed by a discussion of their attitudes to a wall portraying racist graffiti. The triple notions of teenagers as victims, perpetuators and transformers of political

in Teens and territory in ‘post-conflict’ Belfast
Sharon Weinblum

. The discourse analysis of political actors’ speeches and debates indicates that Israeli exclusionary policies of asylum have been justified through very ‘classical’ securitising storylines where asylum seekers are constructed in three ways: as a threat to national security, as a disruption of social order, and as a threat to national identity. The analysis of political discourse also shows that in

in Security/ Mobility
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Security politics and identity policy
Anthony Burke

define and solidify Australian national identity have always been contested and unstable, how they have been linked with tangible conflicts over land, injustice and power, and how they have been closely intertwined with anxieties about (and discourses of) insecurity. It then goes on to challenge these approaches on two levels: normatively, it argues that such a politics forestalls

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
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Politics and society in Northern Ireland over half a century

After three decades of violence, Northern Ireland has experienced unprecedented peace. It is now generally accepted that the peace accord which ended the Northern Ireland conflict, the 1998 Belfast Agreement, is an exemplar of this trend. This book examines the impact of the 1998 Agreement which halted the violence on the Northern Irish people. It covers changes in public opinion across all areas of society and politics, including elections, education, community relations and national identity. The surveys presented show that despite peace, Protestants and Catholics remain as deeply divided as ever. The book examines the development of the theory of consociationalism and how it has been woven into the intellectual debate about the nature of the Northern Ireland conflict. The role of religion in conflict transformation has emerged as an important issue in Northern Ireland. Ethnonationalism in Northern Ireland is fuelled by its multifaceted and complex nature. The constitutional position of Northern Ireland has been the topic of recurring debate since partition in 1920. The role of education in promoting social cohesion in post-conflict societies is often controversial. The book explores both the nature and extent of victimhood and the main perpetrators of the political violence. The key elements of a consociational approach include a grand coalition representing the main segments of society; proportionality in representation; community (segmental) autonomy; and mutual vetoes on key decisions. The main lesson of peace-making in Northern Ireland is that political reform has to be accompanied by social change across the society as a whole.

Vicky Randall

jealous of another famous writer’. 80 Freeman, for his own part, claimed that Froude’s errors were deliberately provocative and that ‘he rushes on his fate like a bull at Seville’. 81 While Froude was attacked by many of his contemporaries as ‘constitutionally inaccurate’, or ‘simply the most unveracious writer who ever profaned the calling of a historian’, it was not the latter’s research habits, but his view of politics and national identity which enraged Freeman. 82 Froude linked English greatness to religious temperament, not constitutional accomplishment, and

in History, empire, and Islam