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Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force
Author: Jeremy Pressman

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.

Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

Open Access (free)
A bounded security role in a greater Europe
Simon Serfaty

the values and the interests shared across the Atlantic would be translated into common policies. In other words, an ever more united and stronger Europe would become inseparable from the United States, even as it remained separate from America.10 During the formative Cold War phase of Europe’s construction, US apprehensions were significant but also comprehensible. Keeping the Communists out of coalition governments in NATO countries was a matter of common sense. With hindsight, the passions aroused over US opposition to Eurocommunism, in Italy and elsewhere, are

in Limiting institutions?
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Kings, wars and an interstate system
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

conclude that the state is necessary to maintain social order. In the state of nature, most authors agreed, man is driven by passion and by egotism. However, since man possesses the faculty of reason , he will sooner or later realize that his individual interests are better served by order than by chaos. Therefore he will band together with his fellow men and form institutions which can impose order upon human interaction. This logic developed into two different arguments. At the one extreme were authors like Hobbes and Spinoza, who, intrigued by the apparent paradox of

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
The nineteenth century and the rise of mass participation
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

and political engineering. Popular ideological and patriotic passions whipped up by the French whirlwind had to be guided by techniques of propaganda and mass-mobilization. The language, rationale and style of politics were transformed. Great changes also occurred in the economic realm. The productive forces of countries were harnessed to the engine of mass-mobilization and transformed into political power. Carried on a wave of unprecedented industrial expansion, Britain emerged from the Napoleonic Wars of 1792–1815 economically strengthened and socially

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
Abstract only
Mary McAleese

heartpower to recognise the loss and waste that came out of conflict and the passion to heal and to reconcile. Northern Ireland played Ireland’s starring role in the first industrial revolution. It has a strong entrepreneurial tradition, a rich multifaceted culture drawing on the deep wells of Irish, British and Scottish tradition. But just at the point where its most educated generation ever appeared, it slid into the Troubles and so has never until now had the chance to reveal its fullest potential, harnessing all its talent, in a unified civic society, working together

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
A visual narrative of the Romanian transition to capitalism
Anca Mihaela Pusca

Their mission has been to travel together to a chosen spot and tell the story of that particular place as they experienced it through photography. Here is how they describe themselves: The 7 Days Association is about the passion of telling significant stories about us and our world through photography. 7 Days was born in 1999 in the northern Transylvanian town of Baia Mare, Romania. Once a year a few friends would spend seven days photographing in one location and choose the best works for an exhibit. 7 Days has now developed into a larger, international group. New

in Revolution, democratic transition and disillusionment
Leonie Holthaus

: Empire and the Future of World Order, 1860–1900 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), p. 3. 22 Bell and Sylvest, ‘International society in Victorian political thought’. 23 Hobson, The Eurocentric Conception of World Politics , p. 93. 24 Parry, The Politics of Patriotism , p. 387. 25 J. Pitts , A Turn to Empire ( Princeton : Princeton University Press , 2005 ), p. 2 . 26 C. Sylvest , ‘“ Our passion for legality”: international law and imperialism in late nineteenth-century Britain ’, Review of International Studies , 34 : 3 ( 2008

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
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Paul Arthur

the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Fein in 2007 – hence there is much that is tentative and even a little plaintive in some of the comments. But all of them carry a sense of commitment and passion. MUP_Hume_Peacemaking.indd 203 11/10/2013 15:25 204 Paul Arthur To deal with the local first: it is important to note the different stages in the life cycle of a conflict. One of the gurus on the literature of peace studies, Johan Galtung, describes these as diagnosis, prognosis and therapy. It was primarily the SDLP, under the leadership of John Hume, who did

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
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Claire Sutherland

‘developed industrial democracies have their own mythologies, constellations of compelling ideas and emotions that organize collective passions’’ (Tismaneanu 1998 , 26). As was shown in chapter 4 , each myth functions as a symbol for a wider system of ideas, or ideology. Nationbuilding efforts in the Berlin republic seek to emphasise a return to German unity following Cold War division. The ideological void created by the

in Soldered states