So, we have covered the legal matters. But that is only the beginning. The second part is to finalize the divorce with the erstwhile partner country. That requires negotiation skills, and it requires friends in other places. To be recognised by the international community, you need to get the support of two-thirds of the members of the United Nations, and you also need to get a majority of the members of the UN Security Council on board. If you do not, you lose out on the perks associated with being an independent state, such as special drawing rights in the International Monetary Fund, the right to join international organisations, and the right to be protected by international law. It can be done, but it requires skill, tenacity, and a helping of good luck. The fourth chapter uses examples (in many cases ones that the author has been involved in) to show how states become recognized – and why sometimes they fail in this endeavour.
course not the only emotions on display. There was no dearth of passions, which frequently spilled over from the political arena into drawing room conversations, WhatsApp groups of families and friends, morning walks, and worship communities. From senior management professionals with IIM (Indian Institute of Management) degrees earned way back in the 1970s to ragpickers foraging in the neighbourhood garbage dump, and everyone in between – the portly owner of the kiosk in Chandni Chowk's Paranthe wali Gali or the bald butcher who sliced and gleaned keema in the corner
negotiation as the only means of eliminating its causes – all of which are anathema to Wahhabism. In the Saudi discourse, the causes of violence are sought in another logical sequence of steps beginning with religious ignorance ( jahil ), irrationality/passions ( ahwa’ ), deviation ( inhiraf ) and extremism ( ghuluw ), leading to political involvement ( hizbiyya ) and violence ( ‘unf ). In this discourse the believer is the central figure, and the concept of the ‘victorious sect’ ( al-ta’ifa al-mansura ), to which all Salafis/Wahhabis belong, is by definition unequal. It
Kashmir is a region with a long and distinct history today straddling the border between India and Pakistan; it is divided between the two states, but claimed in full by both, although many Kashmiris would prefer to be independent. Such tensions have generated considerable political emotion not only in the Kashmir region but across the nation-states of India and Pakistan, which continue to resonate. To understand the historical roots of the Kashmir conflict and the passions it stirs in India (and Pakistan), we need to go back to the 1940s and
Whether it is the frustration and anger expressed by the protesting farmers and other marginalised groups or the righteous indignation that was expressed when forty Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel were killed in a suicide-bomber attack in Pulwama, emotional politics seems to be the order of the day. After India executed an air strike against ‘terrorist camps’ across the border, passions ruled the public arena without restraint. Even though people stood solidly behind the government's decision, many sections of the media (print
focused on South Africa’s exit from international competition (though I did, for political reasons, support its exclusion, while simultaneously regretting the effect of this in depriving Test cricket of supreme talents like those of Graeme Pollock and Barry Richards). My passion for the game had become more or less dormant. It began to reawaken in the mid-1970s, first on account of Lillee and Thommo, then – decisively – with the visit to England of Clive Lloyd’s West Indians in 1976 and the Centenary Test at the MCG in March 1977. When Greg Chappell’s side toured
1942, during the war, Keynes became the chairman of the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts; there, also, he was an advocate for presenting the arts to a wider British public. Keynes believed that cultivated people were more likely to embrace a higher moral vision and share a discourse and values not bound by personal gain alone. Through culture they could become personally elevated. Keynes was, therefore, in many respects a kind of utopian moralist. He admired socialist utopianism for three reasons: its passion for social justice, the Fabian ideal of
Emotions matter to politics. Despite their importance, emotions tend to be neglected in the study of such routine aspects of politics as elections. Whereas emotions have certainly been studied in the context of spectacular political moments, this volume attends to the passions generated by elections, which have all too often been dismissed as a relatively banal dimension of politics. The volume delves into the passions evoked by India’s 2019 general election, widely billed as a ‘battle for India’s soul’. It explores the processes of social, economic and cultural change within which the election was embedded. Contributions from economists, sociologists, geographers, anthropologists and political scientists shed light on a significant political moment in India.
In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.
English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.