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Helen Thompson

constitution went to Philadelphia in the summer of 1787 driven by the fear that the future of republican government in North America was bleak. They believed that the thirteen state governments established on republican principles in 1776, after the colonies had declared their independence from the British crown, had let loose democratic passions that were inimical to order and the rights of property. The future, Madison and his colleagues feared, was first anarchy and then tyranny. To save republican government, the founders of the United States rejected the whole tradition

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
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Reclaiming global politics
Cerwyn Moore

, how the local milieu impacted upon the character of the conflict and why left-wing volunteers – including dozens of Albanian and Kosovars – as well as others from all over the world, travelled to fight, and establish support networks for the ‘international brigades’? If war does evoke passions for groups and establishes connectedness between peoples, how can these features be incorporated into the study of global politics? And how has the history of the Spanish Civil War been infused with representations of violence, from the torments of Picasso’s Guernica, which

in Contemporary violence
Helen Thompson

revolutionary left and right. Where the military’s support for democracy was at best tepid, this was undeniably difficult. But in practice many elected politicians were unwilling to face what the situation required, mistakenly presuming that democracy could be maintained without a successful claim to a monopoly of legitimate violence. M1218 - THOMPSON TXT.qxp:GRAHAM Q7.3 46 10/3/08 13:10 Page 46 Might, right, prosperity and consent Beyond direct coercion, European governments had to find a means to contain the tumultuous passions generated by the war. These passions

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Abstract only
Helen Thompson

Japan changed during the course of the 1980s and the 1990s so the passions generated by economic questions appear to have dimmed, to use Carl Schmitt’s language,3 breeding rather fewer friend–enemy distinctions than they did in the 1970s when the post-1945 expectations of what a modern democratic nation-state could deliver began to collide with economic realities. Of course, on occasion, as in France in 1995 and in the Northern League’s response to Italy’s bid to qualify for monetary union, such passions did still flare. But they did not anywhere induce an enduring

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Abstract only
Mary McAleese

heartpower to recognise the loss and waste that came out of conflict and the passion to heal and to reconcile. Northern Ireland played Ireland’s starring role in the first industrial revolution. It has a strong entrepreneurial tradition, a rich multifaceted culture drawing on the deep wells of Irish, British and Scottish tradition. But just at the point where its most educated generation ever appeared, it slid into the Troubles and so has never until now had the chance to reveal its fullest potential, harnessing all its talent, in a unified civic society, working together

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Helen Thompson

bequeathed sites of rule and structures of administration, these were in various conditions of disrepair. The indigenous political classes had to agree constitutions, reconfigure institutions and secure a monopoly of legitimate violence for the army and police whilst ensuring their own political control of that coercive power. Having reinvented political authority, they had to use it to advance an idea of nationhood that could encourage obedience from its subjects whilst dampening the rebellious passions generated during the struggle for independence. In trying to do so

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Elizabeth Dauphinée

transported beyond oneself by a passion, but also to be beside oneself with rage or grief. I think that if I can still address a “we”, or include myself within its terms, I am speaking to those of us who are living in certain ways beside ourselves, whether in sexual passion, emotional grief, or political rage.’ See Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence (London: Verso, 2004), p. 24. Ibid., p. 72. Ibid., p. 68. Ibid., p. 74. Alphonso Lingis, ‘Introduction’ in Emmanuel Levinas, Otherwise Than Being, p. xxix. Michael J. Shapiro, ‘The Ethics of Encounter

in The ethics of researching war
The road to war in the Balkans and Caucasus
Cerwyn Moore

demonstrate how individuals and networks, and the links that bind them, form groups. This helps the analyst to explore the complex relationships which shape groups, and locate them locally, regionally and sometimes, internationally. In essence then, some elements of SNA provide a recognition of, but also a failure to address the passions which drive actions – passions that may well be reflected in myth, legend and ritual. It is this element – the more localised ‘lifeworlds’ – the sense of belonging, emotional attachment, or connectivities which other writers in

in Contemporary violence
Abstract only
Paul Arthur

the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Fein in 2007 – hence there is much that is tentative and even a little plaintive in some of the comments. But all of them carry a sense of commitment and passion. MUP_Hume_Peacemaking.indd 203 11/10/2013 15:25 204 Paul Arthur To deal with the local first: it is important to note the different stages in the life cycle of a conflict. One of the gurus on the literature of peace studies, Johan Galtung, describes these as diagnosis, prognosis and therapy. It was primarily the SDLP, under the leadership of John Hume, who did

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
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Claire Sutherland

‘developed industrial democracies have their own mythologies, constellations of compelling ideas and emotions that organize collective passions’’ (Tismaneanu 1998 , 26). As was shown in chapter 4 , each myth functions as a symbol for a wider system of ideas, or ideology. Nationbuilding efforts in the Berlin republic seek to emphasise a return to German unity following Cold War division. The ideological void created by the

in Soldered states