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In the beginning was song
Mads Qvortrup

6 Epilogue: in the beginning was song And the light shineth in the darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not. (John 1.5) We have (rather deliberately) said very little about the subject of music, as this is not obviously a part of Rousseau’s social philosophy. Yet music was – though scholars have often forgotten this1 – Rousseau’s main passion, and this passion spilled over into his political writings in more ways than one. Rousseau, the musician and note-copier, was an accidental philosopher. Had he not seen the prize question from the Academy in Dijon on

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
"On the political passions in Europe and America and their implications for Transatlantic History"
Charles S. Maier

– this time to create an awareness of ‘entanglement’ (the term now so prevalent for transnational history; the French equivalent is histoires croisées ) in a wider framework that will embed the Atlantic arena within global developments. I hope to engage these propositions by following a political theme that should seem urgent in light of political violence and even the recent electoral results in Europe and the United States: the passions of politics. Consider as an introduction a different evocation of the Atlantic. Almost a century ago William

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
Roel Meijer

negotiation as the only means of eliminating its causes – all of which are anathema to Wahhabism. In the Saudi discourse, the causes of violence are sought in another logical sequence of steps beginning with religious ignorance ( jahil ), irrationality/passions ( ahwa’ ), deviation ( inhiraf ) and extremism ( ghuluw ), leading to political involvement ( hizbiyya ) and violence ( ‘unf ). In this discourse the believer is the central figure, and the concept of the ‘victorious sect’ ( al-ta’ifa al-mansura ), to which all Salafis/Wahhabis belong, is by definition unequal. It

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Negotiating the Agreement, 1997–1998
Eamonn O'Kane

, in July 1997, the UKUP leader, Robert McCartney, had ‘said with emotion: “If this is peace, let us have war”. Ervine cut in immediately, with equal passion: “That’s easy for you to say, safe as you and your family are in the suburbs. But if there’s a war it’s we and our sons who’ll do the fighting and dying. We want this process because it’s our only hope for peace”’ ( Mitchell, 1999

in The Northern Ireland peace process
Abstract only
ACT UP and the HIV/AIDS pandemic
Alister Wedderburn

demanding resignification [emphasis added]. Such a strategy, I suggest, is crucial to creating the kind of community in which surviving with AIDS becomes more possible, in which queer lives become legible, valuable, worthy of support, in which passion, injury, grief, aspiration become recognized without fixing the terms of that recognition in yet another conceptual order of lifelessness and rigid exclusion. ( 2011 : xxviii–xxix) What was at stake in ACT UP’s desire to ‘fight back’, then, was not simply a rearrangement of a pre-existing hierarchy; a reshuffle of

in Humour, subjectivity and world politics
Constructing the Danube
Joanne Yao

backward in time. Taming the Danube and in particular the Danube delta – the source of the foreign East – offered nineteenth-century Europeans the chance to tame their own bloody histories and stem the dangerous passions that threatened to flow back upriver. Hence, taming the Danube reflected what theorist Kimberly Hutchings conceptualizes as Kairos or ‘creative time-making’, which relies on Baconian science to impose order on Chronos, or ‘natural, chronological time’ ( 2018 : 256). This creative act endows the time-makers with ethical and political

in The ideal river
Joanne Yao

-proprietors’ (Gavin and Betley 1973 : 239). The sentiment was later echoed by representatives from Britain, Belgium, and the USA at the fifth meeting. As Percy Anderson of the African Company noted in a submitted report to the conference, ‘It would be a disaster for the humane cause and a reproach to all civilized nations if the result of contact with foreign commerce should give birth to a passion amongst the native which would demoralize and degrade them.’ While his company stood to make financial gains from increased Congo trade, these gains would not be worth ‘the return to

in The ideal river
Keith Mc Loughlin

Southwood, Disarming Military Industries , p. 98. 107 Mary Kaldor, ‘Robert Neild obituary’, Guardian , 8 January 2019, www.theguardian.com/education/2019/jan/08/robert-neild-obituary [accessed 4 April 2020]. 108 Frank Barnaby, ‘Frank Blackaby: economist with a passion for world peace and disarmament

in The British left and the defence economy
Keith Mc Loughlin

of moral passion, scathing polemic and a “feel” for the popular mood of concern over the mounting nuclear and political threat acted as the catalyst for a new mass, international movement’. 112 Protest and Survive synthesised the arguments that had been made against the defence economy in one accessible edition. Political economy featured in the form of two articles, ‘British Military Expenditure in the 1980s’ by Dan and Ron Smith, and Mary Kaldor

in The British left and the defence economy
Eamonn O'Kane

tensions at the heart of the government were significant factors in the decision. The then UUP leader, Mike Nesbitt, subsequently pointed out that ‘when we left the DUP and Sinn Féin alone in the room to get on with it, it didn’t last very long. There was nobody to blame, there was no cover, it was just the two parties who clearly hate each other, with a passion’ ( Mike Nesbitt, author interview, 11 September

in The Northern Ireland peace process