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Ian McEwan’s The Children Act and the limits of the legal practices in Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
Ben Morgan

process of joining a community. Unlike other Enlightenment thinkers such as Smith or Hume, Rousseau presupposes that “human beings are in fact radically asocial by nature.”34 Menke cites a passage from The Social Contract to this effect. Indeed, the way he cites Rousseau actually reemphasizes the devastating effects of joining a community. For Rousseau, the natural state of individual independence, which we leave behind when we join civil society, is also one in which human beings are enslaved to their own needs and passions. Joining a social group constrains humans

in Law and violence
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Christoph Menke

domain in which they can continue to rule because law does not apply there: within the house, where –​between husband and wife, between father and children, between master and servants –​there is nothing but relations of inequality, and in the relations between the communities, where the “god of strife” rules: “Let their war be with foreign enemies, and without stint for one in whom there will be a terrible passion for glory; but I say there will be no battling of birds within the home” (Eumenides, 865–​67). Once the court of law has been instituted, Athena notes, the

in Law and violence
Roel Meijer

negotiation as the only means of eliminating its causes – all of which are anathema to Wahhabism. In the Saudi discourse, the causes of violence are sought in another logical sequence of steps beginning with religious ignorance ( jahil ), irrationality/passions ( ahwa’ ), deviation ( inhiraf ) and extremism ( ghuluw ), leading to political involvement ( hizbiyya ) and violence ( ‘unf ). In this discourse the believer is the central figure, and the concept of the ‘victorious sect’ ( al-ta’ifa al-mansura ), to which all Salafis/Wahhabis belong, is by definition unequal. It

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
"On the political passions in Europe and America and their implications for Transatlantic History"
Charles S. Maier

– this time to create an awareness of ‘entanglement’ (the term now so prevalent for transnational history; the French equivalent is histoires croisées ) in a wider framework that will embed the Atlantic arena within global developments. I hope to engage these propositions by following a political theme that should seem urgent in light of political violence and even the recent electoral results in Europe and the United States: the passions of politics. Consider as an introduction a different evocation of the Atlantic. Almost a century ago William

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
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Michael J. Boyle

separatism and religious extremism, that must be combated both at home and throughout Central Asia. This portrayal of the threat enables China to link any form of separatism in Xinjiang province as functionally equivalent to violence against the state. Along the same lines, Saudi Arabia's de-radicalization efforts have linked an inclination to terrorism with deviation from established religious practices and succumbing to unhealthy or distorted passions in one's personal life. Like China's cultural and political depiction of terrorism, this religious framing of the threat

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Tim Aistrope

anger, ‘which knows no bounds’, was ‘free-floating’. These predicates situate the ‘crowd’ as a roiling, passion-fired mob: unpredictable, unconstrained by reason or government. Indeed, Arab leaders could not engage in ‘dampening down’ their wildfire publics because anti-Americanism provided a ‘safety valve’ for their pent-up fury. The point here, then, is that

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy
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Adrian Millar

reconciliation’ and the ‘restoration and rebuilding of relationships’ as Lederach does. 6 In a world where people dispense with others with the same passion with which they dispense with objects, new fantasies will not work. The tendency in conflict resolution theory has been to lend social conditions more value than they merit (notwithstanding Burton’s emphasis on needs that are indeed

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict
Josefina A. Echavarria

period of time during which it is well enough known that people are willing to join in battle’ (ibid.). Such an inclination, full of ‘man’s’ desire for power and without any assurance to the contrary, makes of ‘every man the enemy of every man’ (ibid.). In this time of war ‘men live with no security except what their own strength and ingenuity provide them with’ (ibid.: 53). It is in the very passions of

in In/security in Colombia
Charlotte Wagnsson

and prosperity for all, which is the only dream that makes humanity worth preserving’. 16 It is evident that as well as loyalty to the USA, the idea of global market liberalisation was central to the British framing. In this logic, liberal norms would more or less mechanically solve global problems and ensure success and stability. This approach does not fit easily with the EU’s passion for forging a

in Security in a greater Europe
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The effectiveness of aid in the face of repeated mass atrocities
Jean-Hervé Bradol and Marc Le Pape

emergency, aid workers take the time to record what they see, what they hear and their interpretation of events, their intention is to combat the uncertainty, identify the perpetrators of violence and possibilities for intervention. They don’t see their writings as a ‘source’ for future historians. In fact, given the passion that characterises their investment in moments of extreme violence – a sentiment

in Humanitarian aid, genocide and mass killings