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The media and international intervention

The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq's war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the 'new Hitler' after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. The key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. The book presents a study that looks at UK press coverage of six conflicts and the international response to them: two instances of 'humanitarian military intervention' (Somalia and Kosovo); two cases in which the international community was criticised for not intervening (Bosnia and Rwanda); and two post-9/11 interventions (Afghanistan and Iraq). There were a number of overlapping UN and US interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s. Operation Restore Hope was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of 'safe havens' for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war.

Making and disrupting identity
Christine Agius
Dean Keep

This chapter explores the ways in which identity claims and identity fragmentation have played a significant role in reshaping the global political agenda. The disruptions to the post-Cold War international order and increased insecurity and political unrest have also impacted the way we debate and conceptualise identity. Globalisation and critiques of ‘identity politics’, however, have important effects for understanding the ‘politics of identity’ and the ways in which ideas about identity constitute not only subjects but states and organisations. This chapter examines some of the contours of these debates with a view to refocussing attention on the politics of identity, specifically regarding how identity works, and the effects (and affects) it produces.

in The politics of identity
Derek Averre

analysing its thinking and behaviour during the Arab Spring? Recent Western commentary has largely portrayed Russian foreign policy as challenging the post-Cold War international order, driven by a revisionist impulse and antagonistic to liberal Western interpretations of key norms and the US’s use of coercive power. As Roy Allison suggests, Russia’s legal arguments, seen in their political context, can not

in Russian strategy in the Middle East and North Africa
The relative autonomy of coastal Horn of Africa states in their relations with Gulf countries
Aleksi Ylönen

War international order saw the deepening of Western influence in the former Soviet sphere. Neoliberal economic reforms and a wave of democratisation swept through Africa. 12 The old authoritarian regimes had lost their Cold War support and the powerful Western donors and international organisations increasingly subjected leaderships in Africa to conditionalities such as ‘good governance’, respect for human rights, and the cutting down of the public sector. The aid largely dictated by the ‘Washington consensus

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
Russia as ‘a Europe apart’
Andrew Monaghan

), begun in 2007, were suspended in March 2014, and the Council of Europe voted to have the Russian delegation suspended from the Parliamentary Assembly – after which there has been prolonged discussion about whether Russia would remain in the Council. 51 Moreover, the two sides have begun to accuse the other of undermining the post-Cold War international order. NATO (and some of its

in The new politics of Russia
H. D. P. Envall

this case assumes that what had gone before – primarily the tenets of the Yoshida Doctrine along with wider concepts of pacifism and anti-militarism – no longer function, and indeed have become ‘abnormal’ in the context of the post-Cold War international order. 60 Initially, the debate took on a globalist outlook, with a strong emphasis on what Japan should be doing as a more active contributor to the international community and the United Nations. A major contributor in the

in National perspectives on a multipolar order
International Relations theory and the study of UN peace operations
Mats Berdal

demand; all of these ensure that the UN peace operations will remain a most fertile territory for theorists and practitioners alike for many years to come. Notes 1 Hence the connection drawn, often explicitly, in several studies of UN ‘interventionism’ in the 1990s to the larger IR debate about whether or not the post-Cold War international order was moving in a solidarist, as distinct from a pluralist, direction. See

in United Nations peace operations and International Relations theory
Abstract only
Philip Hammond

understood as a defining moment in changing the post-Cold War international order and abandoning the principles of sovereign equality and non-interference. It is notable that these two papers continued to carry explicitly pro-intervention editorials during the later periods examined in this study: the Independent making ‘The case for intervention’ in a 15 October 1993 editorial, for example; and the

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Abstract only
Post-Cold War conflicts and the media
Philip Hammond

justification for this activism, however, were necessarily different from the past. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Abstract only
Philip Hammond

, each attempting to assert its authority in the fluid post-Cold War international order. Similarly, Woodward argues that Western accusations of war crimes were ‘a servant of American policy toward the conflict. By pressing for war crimes prosecutions at points when the Serbs were suing for peace, the US prioritised the defence of supposedly universal moral norms over the resolution of the conflict, even

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts