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A society in transition

In the last generation, Northern Ireland has undergone a tortuous yet remarkable process of social and political change. This book explores what Northern Ireland was like during violent conflict, and whether the situation is any different 'after the troubles'. It examines the political developments and divisions essential to a critical understanding of the nature of Northern Irish society. The book focuses a number of elements of popular cultural practice that are often overlooked when social scientists address Northern Ireland. Sport plays an important though often dispiriting role that in Northern Irish society. It looks at some of the problems and ways forward for transitional justice and memory work in Northern Ireland. The book reviews the history of strategic spatial policy in post-partition Northern Ireland. It draws on feminist scholarship to expose how explanations of the ethnic conflict that ignore gender are always partial. The book illustrates how feminist and gender politics are part of the political culture of Northern Ireland and offers conceptual resources to academics engaged in investigating the conflict. It further provides a brief outline of critical race theory (CRT) and the critique of whiteness therein before using it as a basis from which to examine the research literature on racism in Northern Ireland. The course that popular music has taken in Northern Ireland during 1990s of the peace process, is also considered and the most crucial issues of the peace process, police reform, are examined.

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Punk, politics and resistance

The Subcultures Network is a cross-disciplinary research network for scholars and students interested in the relationship between subcultures (in all their forms) and wider processes of social, cultural and political change. Bringing together theoretical analyses, empirical studies and methodological discussions, the network is designed to explore the relationships between subcultures and their historical context, and the place of subcultures within patterns of cultural and political change. This book is very much a product of the Network's brief and emerged, in large part, from the inaugural symposium held at London Metropolitan University in September 2011. The book is divided into three parts, each with a broadly defined theme. The first of these relates to punk and identity, particularly with regard to gender, class, age and race. The second part looks at punk's relationship to locality and space. In particular, it deals with two overlapping processes. First, the ways in which punk's transmission allowed for diverse interpretation and utilisation of the cultural form beyond local, regional and national boundaries. Second, the extent to which punk's aesthetic and expression was shaped by, inspired and reflected the environments in which its protagonists lived. The third and final part concentrates on communication and reception. From within the culture, the language of punk is brought under discursive analysis by Melani Schröter, who looks at the critiques of 'normality' contained within the lyrics of German punk bands from the late 1970s through to the present day.

Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

’ so limited in international law?; why is it so difficult to perceive women as a group for the purposes of self-determination, refugee status or national identity?; why can we conceive of a state in terms of religion or in terms of race, while a ‘feminist’ state seems bizarre?; in what ways do the traditional rules of international law fail to respond to the new realities of the global order?; what

in The boundaries of international law
Race relations, multiculturalism and integration, 1976 to the late 1990s
Sarah Hackett

The Race Relations Act 1976 can be seen to have been something of a turning point in the politics of migration and race in post-war Britain. Rooted in a perception that local authorities were not sufficiently active in this area, the act placed the responsibility of promoting positive race relations and tackling racial disadvantage firmly in their hands. Whilst the precise impact of the act is unclear and the notion that it yielded immediate results is disputed, with some arguing that action was also spurred on by the 1981 riots rather than by the act alone

in Britain’s rural Muslims
Anti-racism, equal opportunities, community cohesion and religious identity in a rural space, 1999 onwards
Sarah Hackett

-discrimination legislation. As a direct result of the Macpherson Report’s recommendations, the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 extended the 1976 Act in relation to public authorities, placing a duty upon them to promote equal opportunities and positive relations between ethnic groups. Furthermore, partly as a result of European Union policy directives, anti-discrimination also extended to religion as seen with the Employment Equality (Religion or Belief) Regulations 2003, the Racial and Religious Hatred Act 2006, and the Equality Act 2010. 11 This is the final chapter to examine

in Britain’s rural Muslims
A critical race perspective
Paul Connolly and Romana Khaoury

M1426 - COULTER TEXT.qxp:GRAHAM Q7 17/7/08 08:01 Page 192 10 Whiteness, racism and exclusion: a critical race perspective Paul Connolly and Romana Khaoury The peace process has allowed us to snap out of the trance of the two traditions, that mutual obsession of nationalists and unionists, the hypnotic focus of a cobra and a mongoose about to attack each other. As the shouts and din of ancient quarrel begin to subside, we hear other voices. In Ireland today there are atheists, Jews, Sikhs, Buddhists, socialists, Chinese, Travellers, blacks, Muslims, gays

in Northern Ireland after the troubles
James Johnson

this book is that AI’s impact on states’ nuclear strategy will ultimately depend as much (or perhaps more so) on adversaries’ perceptions of its capabilities than on what a particular AI-enabled application is technically capable of doing. 18 Three broad forms distinguish strategic stability: first-strike stability; crisis stability; and arms-race stability. First-strike stability exists in situations when no one state can launch a surprise (or pre-emptive) attack against an opponent without the fear of

in Artificial intelligence and the future of warfare
Lauren Wilcox

relationship between power, embodiment, and technology in ways that push us to consider what ‘gender’ means and does in war. This chapter argues that the question of gender and drones requires unpacking to understand the historical linkages between technology, gender, race, and war. War has been considered one of the most ‘gendered’ of all human practices because of how pervasive and stable the ‘war-fighter’ role has been for men, as well as the ways in which war serves as an arena for rationalising male and masculine dominance throughout society at large. 4 Megan

in Drone imaginaries
James Johnson

third section examines the perception of the rise of a bipolar order divided between Washington and Beijing. Again using the lens of defense innovation, it analyzes the credibility of the popular idea that the US has been caught off guard by China’s accomplishments in the development of AI-related technologies, and that as a result, the US risks losing its first-mover advantages in the adoption of AI on the future battlefield. The final section considers the nature of this particular ‘arms race’ in the context of a

in Artificial intelligence and the future of warfare
A path toward cooperation
Victoria Samson

of an overall work plan. Subsidiary body 3 was tasked with looking at the prevention of an arms race in outer space (PAROS). It met six times over 2018 and was able to agree on a consensus report, which was forwarded on to the CD plenary. Due to political difficulties with the presidency of one member state, the CD was unable to adopt a final report to send on to the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). The UN Disarmament Commission (UNDC), which is part of the UNGA, established working group 2 to find ways in

in The future of U.S.–India security cooperation