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Celebrated as a leader of London’s ‘Underground’ in the 1960–70s, and a leading British poet and performance artist of his time, Jeff Nuttall found fame through his critique of post-nuclear culture, Bomb Culture, which provided an influential rationale for artistic practice through absurdism but lost that recognition a decade or so later. Less well recognised, and with greater influence, is the distinctively visceral sensibility underlying much of his creative work, notably his poetry that draws on Dylan Thomas and the Beat Movement, his graphic drawing and luscious painting styles, and his pioneering performance art. This article argues that it is through these artistic expressions of visceral intelligence that Jeff Nuttall’s art and its long-term influence can now best be understood. It is intended to complement the Jeff Nuttall Papers in the Special Collections of The John Rylands Research Institute and Library, University of Manchester, deposited by the gallerist and poetry publisher Robert Bank (1941–2015), to whose memory this article is dedicated. Further papers have been added by Nuttall’s friends and relatives.
. 81 To confirm their attachment to monarchy and empire, Catholics sought recognition from the monarchy through special religious services. The civil authorities reciprocated because so many Catholics served in Britain’s armed forces and because the loyalty of Catholic priests would help maintain civil peace and social stability. 82 The presence of a governor at a Roman Catholic place of worship in Quebec for the 1872 thanksgiving – noted earlier – is not remarkable, as ever since the 1770s – when legislation was passed
, where a mixture of denominations and ethnicities competed for political power and social recognition. This book encourages historians to consider settler societies in new ways. With good reason, existing works emphasise the confidence, mobility, violence and rapaciousness of nineteenth-century settler colonisers. 15 Yet we have argued that an enduring sense of crisis, anxiety, vulnerability and guilt characterised settler empire, particularly in southern Africa and Australia, where settler behaviour had made ecologies
early nineteenth century had an important effect, as it made it possible to coordinate observances across congregations. Church-appointed special occasions might be a way for congregations to express a sense of solidarity with distant co-religionists; collective action might also be moments for celebrating victories in the battle for civil rights and social recognition. In Newfoundland in May 1829, shops closed when the local Roman Catholic population observed a day of thanksgiving to celebrate ‘emancipation’. 79 A
opposing elements: violence and murder on the one hand, and the soul's delight on the other (Tamaret 1912 , 19)?’ His answer began with the contention that religion is ‘the expression of [human] self-recognition;’ it reflects ‘the way man understands himself and his place in the world.’ As this standing changes, so too its religious manifestation. As it were, religious ideas are humanity's ‘citizenship papers in the kingdom of creation (Tamaret 1992 , 58–59).’ In a surprisingly materialistic manner, Tamaret maintained that this depends on the degree of human control
Scripture, and hence to uphold his belief that all scriptural propositions were literally true. This theory, and the conception of time, eternity and necessity that underpinned it, were vociferously opposed by John Kenningham in his determinations against Wyclif, and will be considered in more detail in the following section. Scripture and the nature of scriptural truth Wyclif was dignified with the title ‘Evangelical Doctor’ in recognition of his belief in the supreme authority of the scriptural text, a belief that
their ‘first aim’ the ‘religious training of their pupils’.82 These advertisements also pinpoint how central religious training was to the education of a young lady. Another aspect of the missionary work involved promoting confraternities and sodalities; these associations of laity possessed a distinct spiritual life and were often devoted to a specific spiritual or charitable purpose. They were invested with a certain cachet; the prominence and recognition associated with membership to a confraternity or sodality was strongly emphasised in convent annals. The
of reciprocation between the two. Just as the marriage-guidance initiative had been driven by Protestant actors in the first half of the twentieth century, Catholic forays into socio-scientific research were making significant contributions to the field in their recognition of ‘interpersonal concerns’. 53 It is often forgotten that one of the principal architects of the pill was a Catholic doctor who was motivated
for national prayers – that might generate ‘friction’ between religious groups. 33 Though new forms of national worship would emerge in the twentieth century, the implications of the state’s withdrawal from special worship were huge, not least because it undermined the traditional idea that the nation existed as a corporate moral entity. 34 A contrary set of processes played out in those parts of the colonial world studied in this book. Democracy and political recognition of religious diversity began earlier in the
prevailed over gendered prescriptions of femininity. Supply and demand economics played a role in the growth of women’s religious orders. There was a huge demand for the labour performed by religious sisters. Bishops, priests, brothers and the laity were constantly making requests for ‘a few sisters’ to run a school, for mission work, to teach orphans and so on. These requests have obscured the importance of women’s responsibility for ‘creating the demand and recognition for their own services’.109 The rapid growth of simple-vowed congregations illustrates their