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concern for justice, addressing justice as a bioethical principle in guiding the response to ARTs in the South African context. Justice as bioethical principle In the UDBHR, article 10, under the heading ‘Equality, justice and equity’, states: ‘The fundamental equality of all human beings in dignity and rights is to be respected so that they are treated justly and equitably (UNESCO, 2006 ). The recognition of the intrinsic worth and dignity of every human being can be viewed as the basis for the recognition of the equality of all
, substantiating, modifying, and expanding its intellectual terrain. Drawing on a South Asian metaphor, we would suggest that biopolitics has many ‘avatars’, each useful in its many ways. In this short piece, we are less interested in chronicling its varied treatments but rather make the observation that the many descriptions of biopolitics in South Asia remain largely western and Eurocentric – in their historicity, genealogy, application, and analyses. What has emerged for us is not only a recognition of the importance of the nexus of
acknowledged as a feature of the early years of the epidemic in particular. As the contributions to this collection begin to suggest, histories of HIV/AIDS have been distorted by this account in significant ways. In some quarters, and particularly where public health anxieties homed in on other groups such as sex workers or injecting drug users, the epidemic could prompt recognition of expertise among a wider
and galvanising cultural moment that paved the way for the founding in 1973 of the Homosexual Interest Group Berlin (HIB), which consisted of around ten men and women who met weekly in private homes and hosted larger biweekly events that attracted an average of twenty to thirty people. 22 They began advocating for recognition of the East German gay community, mostly by corresponding with media, government and SED officials
health care practice and research is recent. 3 Several broader trends were associated with the growing recognition of violence as a public health issue. These include the change in the health profile of Western societies due to the occurrence of the epidemiological transition; the greater acceptance in the public
opened its front doors. After the war, Frantz Fanon worked there as an intern, while the communist psychiatrist Lucien Bonnafé, who later campaigned for recognition of the 40,000 French mental health patients who died (mostly of starvation) during the Occupation, also passed through. 51 When Oury arrived in 1947, Saint Alban was known as a centre of psychiatric reform with politically (far-)left-wing inflections. Institutional psychotherapy, the reform movement that originated there, had a similar political flavour. Tosquelles
expertise, communicated in a friendly setting designed not to feel like a hospital. The CCB’s creation was assisted by Mauco’s political connections. Mauco had gained a degree of recognition in the 1930s for his doctoral thesis on immigration, which was informed by a racist, Lamarcko-Jungian understanding of the collective unconscious and acquired group characteristics. His thesis ranked different races and nationalities according to their perceived assimilability to French society, and was welcomed across the political
whiteness, localizing whiteness . In R. Frankenberg (ed.), Displacing Whiteness: Essays in Social and Cultural Criticism, 1–33 . Durham, NC : Duke University Press . Goedeke , S. , Shepherd , D. , and Rodino , I. ( 2020 ). Support for recognition and payment options for egg and sperm donation in New Zealand and Australia , Human Reproduction
. Capitalist and stratified modes of medicalisation are also deeply entangled with profit-motives. While individual medical practitioners practice with different motives and values (and many are caring and supportive), the capitalist-medical machinery is (as larger epistemic and sociomaterial ensemble) founded upon the degradation of life-making and actively enables and reproduces reproductive and birth violence. While the vocabulary of ‘obstetric violence’ has been critical to the recognition and articulation of multiple modalities of birth violence and their roots in
countries on the continent, predominantly Zimbabwe and Malawi, which helps the young migrant women escape the widely profiled medial xenophobia and its effects on undocumented migrants. Medical xenophobia manifests as unfriendliness of service providers, insensitivity and inferior care, insults, delays and denial of treatment, and non-recognition of foreign identity cards (Pollock et al., 2012 ; Zihindula et al., 2015 ). Medical xenophobia on the one hand unravels the subliminal institutionalisation of reproductive violence in the context of transnational care, and at