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’s a lot of what happens in other news organisations.14 Allied to this approach was the recognition of the value in ensuring that a broad range of sources and viewpoints were represented, including those of Iraqis themselves during the invasion phase, and this contributed to the 128 Pockets of resistance extent of negotiated coverage that the programme was able to provide. Noting the limits of embedded journalism, Jon Snow explained: ‘We had . . . small units of Iraqis who were dashing about the country fi lming; we’d set up with a private company called “Out
a greater recognition and acknowledgement of those news outlets that subscribe unproblematically to the realist position that war reporting should be about our troops. This would require these outlets to be frank about their approach and suspend any notion that they are engaging in ‘objective’ or balanced journalism. But this would also involve accepting the legitimacy of the realist rationale, which sees little place for informed and open debate in the realm of foreign policy and war. For those outlets that aspire to higher standards, believing that openness and
). Specifically, there is a growing recognition of the legitimising or destabilising functions of media images during conflict (see Andersen, 2006; Michalski and Gow, 2007; Mirzoeff, 2005). Quantitative studies of visual content have flourished in recent years, particularly with regard to US news media coverage of the Iraq conflict (Griffin, 2004; King and Lester, 2005; Schwalbe, 2008; Silcock et al., 2008), and a small number of studies have involved UK news media in single-issue or comparative research (Fahmy, 2007; Fahmy and Kim, 2008; Wells, 2007). Finally, a large body of