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Miles Taylor

service in the American War of Independence and in the Caribbean, and so became the first prince to actually see the colonies, through to Prince Charles’s presence at the ceremonies marking the British withdrawal from Hong Kong in 1997 – the British royal family seems to have served as the symbolic link between Britain and its dominions overseas. Historians have at last caught up with journalists in the

in Crowns and colonies
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Author: Mike Huggins

This book provides a detailed consideration of the history of racing in British culture and society, and explores the cultural world of racing during the interwar years. The book shows how racing gave pleasure even to the supposedly respectable middle classes and gave some working-class groups hope and consolation during economically difficult times. Regular attendance and increased spending on betting were found across class and generation, and women too were keen participants. Enjoyed by the royal family and controlled by the Jockey Club and National Hunt Committee, racing's visible emphasis on rank and status helped defend hierarchy and gentlemanly amateurism, and provided support for more conservative British attitudes. The mass media provided a cumulative cultural validation of racing, helping define national and regional identity, and encouraging the affluent consumption of sporting experience and a frank enjoyment of betting. The broader cultural approach of the first half of the book is followed by an exploration if the internal culture of racing itself.

Monarchy and Fascism in the Italian colonies
Alessandro Pes

from a monarchical to a republican regime; following the plebiscite, in which a majority of Italians voted in favour of a republic in 1946, the members of the royal family were exiled, and they took along with them a large part of the archives of the dynasty. Notwithstanding the scarcity of primary material, historical studies have used the relatively few available royal sources as well as the records of parliament, ministries

in Crowns and colonies
New Zealand’s Maori King movement and its relationship with the British monarchy
Vincent O’Malley

Early in 2014, a minor controversy arose in New Zealand when the Maori King, Tuheitia Paki, rejected a proposed visit by the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge to his headquarters at Turangawaewae, Ngaruawahia, as part of the royal couple’s tour of the country. There was no shortage of interest in a meeting between the two royal families. The problem was that the ninety minutes

in Crowns and colonies
Mark Hampton

hold over Hong Kong people the royal family might continue to enjoy would be entirely unofficial. Prior to 1967, the colonial government did not systematically use the monarchy as a legitimisation tool, partly because it took a fairly casual attitude towards public relations more broadly. To be sure, royal iconography was present, for example on coins, stamps and statues, or through royal patronage of social clubs and learned societies – the Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club perhaps the most famous example. Jan Morris has stated that the ‘monarchical status’ of Hong

in Monarchies and decolonisation in Asia
Regicide, radicalism and George IV, 1811–30
Steve Poole

7 The potatoes speak for themselves: regicide, radicalism and George IV, 1811–30 Threats to the security of the Royal Family in the period following the closure of the French wars were more overtly associated with radical republican discourse than they had been in the preceding century. The shift in emphasis was not unconnected with the coinciding Regency and accession to the throne of the Prince of Wales. For the hugely unpopular George IV, the miracle of apotheosis was still pending at the time of his father’s death in 1820. ‘Whenever the Prince drove out in

in The politics of regicide in England, 1760–1850
Regino of Prüm and royal monastic conversion
Erik Goosmann and Rob Meens

another. Regino’s interest in this phenomenon may in part derive from his first-hand experience in dealing with Hugh, a member of the royal family who was relegated to a life in a monastery. Moreover, the monastic community of Prüm had a long tradition of accepting members of the royal family into their ranks – from a retiring, aged emperor to young, ambitious princes who entered the monastery for rebelling against their fathers and uncles. Many stories about these illustrious members of the community must have circulated in Prüm and perhaps some elements of Carloman

in Religious Franks
Napoléon III and Eugénie in Algeria and beyond
Robert Aldrich

journeys undertaken by members of royal families, including ones deposed from their thrones. It demonstrates the way in which experiences and impressions during a tour, such as Napoléon’s brief first visit to Algeria, contributed to the formulation of policy, and how that second tour both revealed and obscured conflicts inherent in colonialism. Napoléon III did not just reign, he ruled, and the tours of a near dictatorial monarch

in Royals on tour
Steve Poole

like other folks.’3 The Nicholson affair was a perfect vehicle for the interlinking of healing processes within both the Royal Family and the nation. If the King had been killed, wrote an anonymous pamphleteer, the blow would have been fatal to the nation as well as to ‘his most amiable family by whom he is perfectly adored; and never did a husband, a father or a master of a family deserve more truly their love, esteem, respect and admiration’.4 Despite the efforts of opposition papers to paint the post-Nicholson reunion of King and Prince as a botched affair in

in The politics of regicide in England, 1760–1850