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Steve Marsh

-American bilateral summit meetings between presidents and prime ministers, informal ambassadorship by the royal family, and the forthcoming 400th anniversary of the Mayflower voyage in 2020. The objective is to complement traditional readings of pageantry by treating it also as an act of cultural sharing. Thereby, and consonant with Iriye’s classic definition of culture, elites send messages to Anglo-American – and other – audiences by manipulating cultural artifacts, evoking emotions, appealing to particular symbols and lifestyles, sharing selected aspects of collective memory

in Culture matters
Kathryn Nash

truly implement the sanctions, and the sanctions were eventually ended on 15 July 1936 after Italy had driven the Abyssinian royal family into exile and occupied Abyssinia. 20 The invasion of Abyssinia and the inept response from the international community convinced many Africans that they could not depend on the west to defend any African interests. As prominent pan-Africanist George Padmore recalled, “the brutal rape of Ethiopia combined with the cynical attitude of the Great Powers convinced Africans everywhere that black men had no rights which white men felt

in African peace
The houses of Alba, Franco and Bourbon
Duncan Wheeler

for what she considered to be gauche imposters. The roll-call of European nobility who attended her 1947 marriage to the Duke of Sotomayor’s son was absent from the 1950 wedding of Franco’s daughter, Carmen, to playboy doctor, Cristóbal Martínez Bordiú – awarded the title of Marquis of Villaverde – even if the ‘wedding itself was on a level of extravagance that would have taxed any European royal family’. 3 Readers developed a taste for such displays; the 1959 marriage of the Shah of Iran to third wife Farah Diba – wearing a Yves Sant Laurent dress and a tiara by

in Following Franco
Abstract only
Edward Vallance

occasion of her Diamond Jubilee, attempting to represent the incredibly varied communities of the late nineteenth-century British empire, from the ‘Society of Ancient Britons’ to the Malay Royal Family. 8 Within Britain at least, discordant voices in 1897 were rare: England and Scotland appeared unified in their declaration of loyalty to Queen Victoria. In contrast, during the political turbulence of the seventeenth century the ‘sense of the people’, as Defoe would later put it, was much harder to discern. This offers a

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727
The Barcelona model
Duncan Wheeler

groundwork for fragile counter-intuitive alliances. Samaranch effectively redeemed himself for his Francoist past by becoming the first President of the Olympics Committee to see the Games hosted on home turf. He claims that, under the patronage of the Spanish royal family: ‘The unity amongst everyone and common sense prevailed: an efficient and innovative formula was found to integrate the always active Catalan civil society into the project; hence, the creation of the Barcelona-92 Association of businessmen.’ 34 If, as Keith Dinnie notes, ‘[i

in Following Franco
Dominic Bryan, S. J. Connolly, and John Nagle

. The flags dispute On 3 December 2012, after a majority vote in Belfast City Council comprising the representatives of Sinn Féin, SDLP and Alliance, the Union flag was lowered from its position above City Hall. The new policy was that it was to fly only on designated days, most of which are the birthdays of members of the royal family. That members of Sinn Féin, a republican party, were prepared to vote for a Union flag to be raised on royal occasions may appear odd. In fact it was a calculated symbolic strategy, communicating to many

in Civic identity and public space
Hilary Sapire

radicals; a crowd of 65,000 people gathered to pay homage to the royal family when they came to Durban on 22 March 1947 at an event presided over by ‘moderate’ A. I. Kajee and supported by a wide range of organisations – from sporting clubs to the Hindu Tamil Institute and Indian Scouts Association, many of which had also supported passive resistance. There were several reasons why Indians turned out in such

in The break-up of Greater Britain
The republican referendums in South Africa and Rhodesia
Christian D. Pedersen

also emerged in the 1960s. In an age of imperial decline, some intellectuals no longer saw the monarchy as an appropriate symbol for an independent and modern Australia; a rhetoric of new nationalism supplanted older narratives of empire loyalty. The royal family became an object of satire in the media, as the pomp and circumstance surrounding monarchy grew increasingly remote and outdated. The younger

in The break-up of Greater Britain
Raymond Hinnebusch

traditional sectarian, tribal and family assabiya to create cores of trusted followers around the leader similar to royal families in the monarchies. (3) In their search for legitimisation, state elites made use of sub- and supra-state identities to make up for thin popular identifications with the state itself. In the monarchies patriarchal loyalties and Islam were the favoured formula; in the republics Pan-Arabism, the official ideology, was buttressed by the exploitation of sub-state loyalties, whether it was Tikriti solidarity in Iraq or that of

in The international politics of the Middle East
Abstract only
Algeria’s failed process of democratisation
Francesco Cavatorta

introduced some reforms to give the impression of popular involvement the international dimension of the algerian transition in decision-making, but power stills rests with him and it is likely to be handed down to one of his sons (Vandewalle, 2006). The same can be said for both Egypt (Kassem, 2004) and Syria (Lesch, 2005). Saudi Arabia also is no exception to the trend and the creation of a Council to advise the King in the early 1990s following US and domestic pressure on the royal family did not signify any real democratic change (Basbous, 2004). It is

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition