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, in which they can make right use of reason. Wherefore, if then they express a desire for Baptism, they can be baptized though they be actually in a state of madness. And in this case the sacrament should be bestowed on them if there be fear of danger otherwise it is better to wait until the time when they are sane, so that they may receive the sacrament more devoutly. But if during the interval of lucidity they manifest no desire to receive Baptism, they should not be baptized while in a state of insanity. Lastly there are others who, though not altogether sane
fact Hincmar of Laon probably targeted Folembray as revenge for Hincmar of Rheims’s intervention at Attolae curtis . 12 These were not affairs without repercussion. Each bishop placed the church whose status he doubted under interdict, prohibiting the sacraments from being dispensed there. Hincmar of Rheims could name two men, Erleher and Gislehard, who had as a result died without communion at Folembray, while Hincmar of Laon claimed to have compiled a similar list for Attolae curtis . 13 Where Bishop Hincmar of Laon treated the
from the lifetime of Alberto. This was a time of far-reaching changes in religious practice and attitudes, the start of something that in certain ways culminated some two-and-a-half centuries later in the Protestant Reformation. Such fundamentals of Christian worship as prayer and the sacrament of the Eucharist, or Communion, were being transformed. To go back only as far as the ninth-to-twelfth centuries, religion in the Latin West of that time was largely about the observance of forms; was largely a matter that concerned a caste of full
preparation for Verberie, Hincmar of Laon had rounded up his clergy, instructed them about the power of binding and loosing, and announced that he would impose the severest form of interdict over his diocese in the case of his arrest. 36 The interdict meant that any church service and even the administering of sacraments would be forbidden in the diocese of Laon. Hincmar was not arrested at Verberie, but he was arrested shortly afterwards in May 869. The interdict then entered into force. A delegation of the clergy of the diocese of Laon appeared before Hincmar of Rheims
assaulted by abductors who wished to gain their backing for their marriage to be recognised (though marriage could of course take place without the presence of a cleric, and was not considered a sacrament at this time). The authors of the De raptu associated these attacks with an attack on the corporate Church (and on the body that was the Christian people), since the abductor denied the unity of the Church by taking communion in one place while he was excommunicated in another. 54 This challenge to the Church and to the social order was expressed in terms of the
compilation of forged papal letters taken from the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, selected because they made bishops unassailable and undermined the authority of archbishops. 35 On the same occasion, he also declared that if he were to be prevented from appealing to the pope, or be taken captive, his entire clergy would have to go on strike: no sacraments should be administered, and no pastoral care should be given, until he, the bishop, was at liberty again and a papal verdict could be obtained. 36 Towards the end of May, when Charles did have Hincmar of Laon arrested, this
privileges Hormisdas is said to have accorded to Remigius. 23 This letter sums up in a theoretical way what a bishop’s mission must be: it is not Christianisation, nor the spiritual life, the correct celebration of the sacraments or the defence of the faith against heresy; it is the observance of rules. More precisely, preaching the faith and constructing the Church may be summarised in a single expression, that is, keeping the tradition expressed in canon law and confirmed by papal authority. In his letter, Pope Hormisdas begins by rejoicing in the election of Remigius
contrast, there is comparatively little to suggest that aliens residing in England brought very obviously different forms of religious observance to their adopted country. There is no evidence, for example, that the small number of ‘Greeks’ in the capital, discussed in chapter 5 , had access to the services of Eastern Orthodox priests, even supposing that they would have been allowed to perform the sacraments in their own tradition. Significantly, George Vranas, an Athenian who rose to become bishop successively of Dromore and Elphin in Ireland, and also spent a limited
the Consortium of the Holy Spirit was the cathedral, which for four decades or more served Facio as a spiritual home. He made several precious liturgical vessels for that church. A few generations of cathedral canons knew him well; they administered the sacraments to him, preached before him, heard his confessions, and of course at the end laid his body to rest in their church. Even so, the author of his Life tells us that Facio visited and prayed in many of the other churches in the city; in addition, he claimed that Facio undertook no fewer than eighteen
illness, the Scottish Legendary needs six lines, again adding further information, such as that the mother suffers with an illness typical of women at that time and that she hopes for a cure when visiting the tomb. Another example, taken from the ending of Lucy’s passio, will further show this practice of extending and enlarging the original legend: & sanct lucy out of þat sted, quhare sho for god tholyt ded, ves nocht steryt, bot duelt stil, as lyk wes to be godis wil; bot quhen prestis in gud entent had ministiryt hire þe sacrament, & sho had ȝoldine god þe geste, þai