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The Reformation of the church also entailed a reformation of its rites. These conduits to grace, determined by the scholastic theologian Peter Lombard in the twelfth century, consisted of seven sacraments: baptism, the Eucharist, confirmation, ordination, marriage, penance, and extreme unction. By John Wyclif’s day, these were the very essence of medieval salvation. Medieval reformers, in particular Wyclif and Jan Hus, disputed the notion of transubstantiation, but it was Protestants who achieved a more
Chapter 5 The sacrament Socinianized: Benjamin Hoadly and the Eucharist T he Eucharist long exerted centripetal and centrifugal forces on Christianity, and the Church of England’s formularies captured why that was the case. The Thirty-Nine Articles declared that the sacraments were ‘ordained of Christ’ and were ‘not only badges or tokens of Christian men’s profession, but rather … certain sure witnesses, and effectual signs of grace, and God’s good will towards us, by which he doth work invisibly in us, and doth not only quicken, but also strengthen and
,000 parishioners, nominally, at least, and he would have had many calls on his time. 81 He had acted with propriety, and he had ensured that none of his parishioners was excluded from the sacraments, although it is puzzling that officials from the Ordinariat seem to have been unaware of the instruction from Cardinal Gruscha that some religious celebration should be held in Czech. Yet the Church in Vienna still leant heavily towards those with a German identity. That this was the case at its highest levels can be seen from the appointment process for a second church for the
of Uniformity was enforced in August 1662. 8 Meanwhile, on 28 November 1660, ‘choir service began’ and ‘they told us that they set with candles on the table to remind us of the persecutions of former times, when all services were done by candle’. In January 1662 Newcome thought the sacrament had ‘more sap and savour in it’ though ‘administered in those forms [i.e. of the Book of Common Prayer] than sometimes it had.’ In May 1662, Johnson read ‘the Common Prayer at large’ and baptized children with the sign of
mynystre sacraments to the saide parocheners when the curates bene overcharged’. 94 The impression is of a community working just as its founders had envisaged, although perhaps this was the impression they were trying to give the King’s commissioners. Henry’s agents painstakingly recorded the College’s possessions, even down to the twenty-three pewter vessels and twelve silver spoons, and the five work horses. It is likely that they received only a partial impression of the College’s belongings; most
the Sacraments, which is indecent and offensive in such a Collegiate Church and contrary to Her Majesty’s Laws and Injunctions in that case provided’. 70 After one of the College clergy described the surplice as ‘a ragg of the Pope, and a mightie heresie in the Church’, 71 it could have come as no surprise that the next visitation, two years later, found the College (i.e. parish) chaplains administering the sacraments without a surplice, and deficient in teaching the catechism, maintaining the registers (of
were not mentioned by name, but they were clearly liberal governments who, according to Stillfried, were trying to change the status of marriage. They wanted to make it the outcome of a secular ceremony, not a sacrament, to divide the people from the Church. Again, it was suggested that ‘the people’ should have a natural bond with the Church. Stillfried ended, like Dittrich before him, with an appeal to multiply the Catholic societies, to reinvigorate Catholic values and to ‘recreate’ a Catholic Austria. 46 But, contrary to the picture that Stillfried painted of
church services (since the pre-eminent work of a Protestant minister was preaching the word of God, not celebrating the sacraments). Finding consensus on a new role for Manchester College (and, indeed, all cathedrals and other collegiate churches) within the Protestant establishment – if it were to survive at all – proved to be a slow process, not completed until the later seventeenth century, and one bedevilled by doubt and disagreement. 3 Until a new role was found and widely accepted, the collegiate church lay
type of rhetoric, of course, was scarcely an innovation in the late tenth and eleventh centuries, although, as will be seen, both its prevalence and vehemence was revolutionary. As any historian of the late antique and medieval Church can testify, ecclesiastical sources are full of references to concerns about ritual purity and fears of contamination from an early date. For instance, Irish texts such as the mid-sixth-century Vinnian and mid-seventh-century Cummean penitentials repeatedly display anxiety about the purity of the sacraments and those who handled them
of the Supper of the Lord in its sale and application for others (i.e. offering masses for other people). Here the entire theory of Sacrifice was set forth and the use of the Sacraments was shown. And when pious men in the Monasteries now heard that they must flee from Idols, they began to depart from their impious servitude. Therefore Luther added to the explanation of the doctrines on penance, the remission of sins, faith, and indulgences, also these topics: the difference between divine and human laws, the doctrine on the use of the Supper of the Lord and the other