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This book analyses the use of the past and the production of heritage through architectural design in the developmental context of Iran. It is the first of its kind to utilize a multidisciplinary approach in probing the complex relationship between architecture, development, and heritage. It uses established theoretical concepts including notions of globalism, nostalgia, tradition, and authenticity to show that development is a major cause of historical transformations in places such as Iran and its effects must be seen in relation to global political and historical exchanges as well as local specificities. Iran is a pertinent example as it has endured radical cultural and political shifts in the past five decades. Scholars of heritage and architecture will find the cross-disciplinary aspects of the book useful. The premise of the book is that transposed into other contexts, development, as a globalizing project originating in the West, instigates renewed forms of historical consciousness and imaginations of the past. This is particularly evident in architecture where, through design processes, the past produces forms of architectural heritage. But such historic consciousness cannot be reduced to political ideology, while politics is always in the background. The book shows this through chapters focusing on theoretical context, international exchanges made in architectural congresses in the 1970s, housing as the vehicle for everyday heritage, and symbolic public architecture intended to reflect monumental time. The book is written in accessible language to benefit academic researchers and graduate students in the fields of heritage, architecture, and Iranian and Middle Eastern studies.

Abstract only
Joseph McGonagle

brought the Pasqua law, which further toughened entry and residence regulations for foreigners. In the autumn of 1989 the place of Islam in France began to attract unprecedented political and media interest. When the headmaster of a state school in Creil, north of Paris, suspended three young Muslim women for wearing headscarves – because he judged it contrary to long-standing French laws on secularism in French schools – his decision became a major political controversy and was quickly dubbed the ‘affaire du foulard’ (headscarf affair). Forced to act, the Minister of

in Representing ethnicity in contemporary French visual culture
Andrew Patrizio

of recuperating the overlooked and the ‘open-market interaction’ between such materials through which they are liberated from ideological norms that move instead towards an ‘exhaustively informed’ secularism. My sense of the ecological eye is not about over-valorising the previously ‘missed’ in art historical accounts in the name of liberal inclusivity, despite some conceptual parallels between normative liberalism and the nonhierarchical political positions, new materialism and the decentred, non-anthropocentric perspective that I propose. There is as much

in The ecological eye
Housing and collective identity before 1979
Ali Mozaffari and Nigel Westbrook

cultural senses, and to be temporally oriented, meaning a sense of successive relationality. Such a cultural organicity was already impossible by the time of the inception of the Shushtar project. Millward, in 1971, had noted: Under present conditions, the moral ambivalence of the society is likely to continue and become more exacerbated. Secularism is advancing steadily with the spread of present educational facilities and the heavy stress on science and technology. No one expects a society facing the kind of change presently taking place in Iran to be able to maintain

Representing the national capital
Ali Mozaffari and Nigel Westbrook

envisaged in the Abbas Abad site was a religious complex. The earliest master plans for Abbas Abad had included a mosque, as did Kahn’s scheme for Shahestan.82 However, in relation to the Tehran’s reluctant urban centre 207 subsequent master plan by LDI, Robertson noted that including a mosque was rejected by the Shah. 83 This raises the question of what the presence or absence of a mosque could mean. Whereas the complete absence of a mosque in the LDI project may suggest a kind of secularism, its eventual dominant position in the post-Revolution Abbas Abad layout

College clergy failed to deliver ‘a vigorous evangelistic effort’ so that ‘secularism and indifference advanced’ in the town. 61 Certainly, a rising tide of fornicators, drunkards, and non-attenders was reported to the Bishop at visitations: in 1581 there were eight notorious drunkards and six adulterers, while one person was presented for allowing others to drink in his house during church services; but in 1598, six were reported as keeping a bawdy house, eleven as common drunkards, and fifty for fornication or

in Manchester Cathedral
Lea Bou Khater

expression of a new form of local politics and knowledge that arose in a climate of transition and reform in the mid-nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire and that laid the foundations for a (later) discourse of nationalist secularism’. 7 According to Makdisi, sectarianism was first a practice that stemmed from nineteenth-century Ottoman reform. The practice emerged when the regime of Mount Lebanon, dominated by an elite defined by a secular hierarchy rather than its sectarian affiliation, was discredited by the Ottoman reforms. More

in The labour movement in Lebanon