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Open Access (free)
Brad Evans

who see the world as an open conflict between different and competing nations (with the invariable threat of anarchism always lurking in the shadows), to modernists more generally who see the world as being threatened by the tensions caused between secularism and religious orthodoxy, and to those liberals who have appropriated Carl Schmitt’s point about politics being all about friends versus enemies. Difference, then, is the problem to be solved or at least safely managed. Violence results not from violence but from forced homogenisation and the colonisation of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force
Author: Jeremy Pressman

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.

Israel and a Palestinian state
Lenore G. Martin

consisting predominantly of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) ( Shikaki, 1998 : 30–1). A second source of opposition to the regime consists of radical Islamists, primarily Hamas and Islamic Jihad , which also challenge its secularism and offer a competing set of legitimacy principles based upon Islamic precepts. 16 A

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Abstract only
Security politics and identity policy
Anthony Burke

– ‘harsher penalties for inciting terrorism and longer detention for terror suspects . . . including granting police wider powers to arrest and detain suspects’ – and a deeper identity politics that was seeking to impose a particular vision of Australianness and reinterpret multiculturalism ‘with an emphasis on shared values and secularism’ ( Colman, 2005 ; Kerin, 2005 ). What this

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Raymond Hinnebusch

the side’, the military elite became a main component of the state bourgeoisie with a stake in the status quo. Everywhere, as a result of this process, officer corps have been de-radicalised, becoming less nationalist, less populist and more supportive of capitalism (Ayubi 1995: 273–6; Picard 1988). Moreover, because the military is typically secular and because mass opposition to regimes has come to be expressed in Islamic terms, the military has become the bastion of secularism against Islamic radicalism. This combination of conservatism and secularism is most

in The international politics of the Middle East
Tim Aistrope

. 132 For ‘Abduh rationalism was not to be rejected; but neither was secularism to be embraced. Instead, he advocated the revival of an earlier Islamic ‘golden age’ that was once at the cutting edge of scientific discovery and philosophic sophistication, and where reason was positioned as part of God-given human nature. 133 Thus ‘Abduh looked to a modernity that positioned

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy
Jeremy Pressman

terrorism designed to hurt Israel and to draw attention to the Palestinian nationalist cause. That campaign included the 1970 plane hijackings as well as the 1972 Munich Olympics attack. Second, the war contributed to a longer-term trend, the rise of Islamism. Islamists argued the war had exposed the bankruptcy of Arab socialism, the then dominant and largely secular ideology of the Arab regimes. Secularism had failed the Arab peoples, but there was an alternative: Islam was the answer.63 One should be careful not to overstate the role of the 1967 war, as the Arab

in The sword is not enough
A veiled threat
Thomas J. Butko

the secularism of the PLO, provided an efficient network of social institutions as a substitute for the PLO’s bankrupt one, and escalated its armed struggle as opposed to the PLO’s route of negotiation and moderation ( Litvak, 1993 : 194). The uncompromising position assumed by Hamas , toward both Israel and the PLO moderates willing to negotiate with the Israelis, is clearly intended to gain adherents

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Tim Aistrope

, economically and politically. 93 This tension manifests in envy and frustration at the decline and deprivation of a once powerful civilisation, forced to bend and accede in the face of the modern West. 94 More fundamentally, it is present in the incompatibility of secularism and Islam, a faith that regulates not just spiritual life, but politics, economics and law. 95 According

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy
The revolutionary rise of popular sovereignty
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

limit it by constructing a government that checked the effects of that liberty. American politics, as James Bryce ( 1888 , p. 299) once formulated it, is suspended between the theology of Calvin and the philosophy of Hobbes. This makes the American notion of liberty different from that of the philosophes of Continental Europe. The roots of the American notion of liberty are very much defined by opposition to the Anglican Church and to the state that this Church served. It was weak on the reason-based secularism, the material equality and the collectivist

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)