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Abstract only
Hayyim Rothman

distance from Jewish piety during the period in question. In many respects, this account is justified. Irving Howe, for instance, writes that while ‘public avowal of agnosticism, atheism, apostasy, and backsliding was no new phenomena’ in late nineteenth-century Jewish life, anarchists more so than other radical groups ‘went far beyond secularism or anticlericalism in the bitter extremes of their antireligious struggle (Howe 2005 , 105).’ As Rebecca Margolis explains, if other groups held religion in disdain, they also tended to treat it as a private concern. In

in No masters but God
David Geiringer

upbringings. They often spoke out against the indictment that their Catholicism had been imposed upon them in their childhood. Some even singled out specific public figures that represented and espoused this form of militant secularism. The final section moves on to consider how psychoanalytical interpretations of childhood belief affected the interviewees’ approach to parenting. Although they readily imparted

in The Pope and the pill
Hayyim Rothman

, anarcho-narodism and other pre-Marxist utopian socialisms appealed to religiously inclined Jewish radicals because they represented an alternative to Marxist materialism. Eliahu Stern ( 2018 ) has convincingly argued against the supposition that materialism and secularism go hand in hand by showing that many rabbinic figures during the period in question built on fundamentally materialistic theoretical foundations. Nonetheless, religious Jewish anarchists who addressed the issue explicitly rejected materialism; even when integrating it into a broader historical

in No masters but God
David Geiringer

the interviewees selected of their own volition. The term ‘self’ has become a staple feature of socio-scientific, historical and wider intellectual vocabularies in the last sixty years. Grace Janzen calls it the ‘thinly veiled usurper of the “soul”. In this way, the “self” has often been considered a symbol of secularism’s triumph over religion’. 13 For scholars such as Nicolas Rose, the discourse of the self was symptomatic of

in The Pope and the pill
Cara Delay

the Catholic Church, acting against the irish catholic mother 105 secularism, individualization, and women’s emancipation and sexual liberation’.31 Like most scholars, those discussed above view Ireland’s unique relationship with the Blessed Virgin as central to the confining ideals of motherhood and therefore as fundamentally detrimental to women’s autonomy and authority. It is clear, however, that lay women themselves sometimes found – or made – the figure of the Virgin empowering. For Catholic women, commitment to Mary could symbolise a resistance to real

in Irish women and the creation of modern Catholicism, 1850–1950
Abstract only
Carmen Mangion

: ‘women religious found themselves visibly re-entering the secular world from the perspective of appearance’. 136 Michelman’s research pointed to the conflict of the religious habit with the vow of poverty. 137 More controversially, Yvonne McKenna proposes that in removing the habit, women religious left behind a countercultural position of identifiable Catholicity and became invisible, merging into mass culture, thus allowing themselves to be silenced by secularism. 138 Theologian Sister Gemma Simmonds suggests the need to discern an ‘alternative conception of

in Catholic nuns and sisters in a secular age
Joseph Hardwick

that those favouring union pointed to special worship as a reason why colonies needed a new kind of national church. A South Australian Anglican cleric named John Wellington Owen publicised plans for a ‘National Church of Australasia’ in the 1880s and 1890s. For Owen, a national religious institution, founded on the ‘essentials of the Catholic Faith’, was preferable to the existing system of religious competition which, in Owen’s view, had only strengthened the appeal of secularism and what he called the ‘naturalistic

in Prayer, providence and empire