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How do secular Jewish-Israeli millennials feel about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, having come of age in the shadow of the failed Oslo peace process, when political leaders have used ethno-religious rhetoric as a dividing force? This is the first book to analyse blowback to Palestinian and Jewish-Israeli religious nationalism among this group in their own words. It is based on fieldwork, interviews and surveys conducted after the 2014 Gaza War. Offering a close reading of the lived experience and generational memory of participants, it offers a new explanation for why attitudes to Occupation have grown increasingly conservative over the past two decades. It examines the intimate emotional ecology of Occupation, offering a new argument about neo-Romantic conceptions of citizenship among this group. Beyond the case study, it also offers a new theoretical framework and research methods for researchers and students studying emotion, religion, nationalism, secularism and political violence around the world.

Priya Sara Mathews and Mathews McNeil- Willson

Introduction France has undergone a process of securitization highly colored by its colonial experience. Counter-terrorism – whilst deeply racialized in all European states – has been acutely felt by French Muslims, who have faced a coalescence of factors: a more aggressive Catholic-secularism coupled with increasingly narrow and

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Stacey Gutkowski

terminology and the conceptual debates. What does the term ‘ hiloni ’ mean? How do scholars use it? How do people who identify with the term use it? Scholars agree that the terminology of Western secularism does not translate for the Jewish-Israeli case. This is because Jewish tradition, a cornerstone of Jewish identity, is a powerful reference point even for those who think they are not halakhically observant. Before delving into the academic debates about who is hiloni (and who is masorti , a traditional Jew), here is a flavour of how self-identified hilonim

in Religion, war and Israel’s secular millennials
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

society. One must not blame religion or religious fundamentalism for the ills of the world. Radical secularism and the political pseudo-religions of fascism and communism have created as much misery and death as has religion during the twentieth century. In fact, it has often been religion that has inspired people to enormous sacrifices in resisting such tyrannies: Protestants in Nazi Germany, Catholics in

in Understanding political ideas and movements
The Catholic Church during the Celtic Tiger Years
Eamon Maher

1 Crisis, what crisis? The Catholic Church during the Celtic Tiger years Eamon Maher Any book purporting to offer a socio-­cultural critique of the Celtic Tiger cannot fail to deal with the thorny issue of Irish Catholicism. There is a commonly held belief that the Celtic Tiger hastened a wave of aggressive secularism that proved fatal to the hallowed status of organized religion in Ireland, and particularly to the majority faith, Roman Catholicism. However, such a perspective fails to recognize the steady decline in vocations to the priesthood from the beginning

in From prosperity to austerity
Abstract only
Diplomatic embarrassment and European democratic identity
Emmanuel-Pierre Guittet

decadence of democracy and secularism, Spain was for Franco to remain the spiritual reserve of the West, its fortress against the dangers of modernity. The Francoist understanding of Europe was thus grounded in a distinction between Europe as a profoundly Christian civilisation to be defended and Europe as a concrete project to be rejected as a dreadful alienation. The Francoist ideological stance did not override economic imperatives though. Cutting off the country from international markets and foreign investment, Franco's policies of autarky were

in Counter-terror by proxy
Tunisia background chapter
Mariam Salehi

courts and the Zitouna dissolved (Chouikha and Gobe 2015 , 18–19) – Bourguiba placed a strong emphasis on access to education, gender equality, and secularism and retained good relations with France, including economic and cultural links, “making Tunisia one of the most socially progressive countries in the Middle East and North Africa” (Fraihat 2016 , 58) – at least on paper. In practice, though the regime (and later Ben Ali's as well) was successful in creating this progressive appearance for an external audience, ‘on the ground’ the situation looked different, as

in Transitional justice in process
Lea Bou Khater

expression of a new form of local politics and knowledge that arose in a climate of transition and reform in the mid-nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire and that laid the foundations for a (later) discourse of nationalist secularism’. 7 According to Makdisi, sectarianism was first a practice that stemmed from nineteenth-century Ottoman reform. The practice emerged when the regime of Mount Lebanon, dominated by an elite defined by a secular hierarchy rather than its sectarian affiliation, was discredited by the Ottoman reforms. More

in The labour movement in Lebanon
Mads Qvortrup

down the wrath of the proto-positivist thinkers of his day. Yet, while Rousseau was a ‘gospel Christian’ (at least by his own definition), he was also preoccupied with the moral and political implications of secularism. Especially the development (or demise) of ethical theory after Hobbes. It is not least because of this that he is of interest to the modern science of politics. Rousseau rejected the Hobbesian view. In opposition to his colleagues he maintained that the ‘summation of all morality is given by the Gospel in its summation of the Law’ (III: 155–6). The

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Author: Meir Hatina

Arab liberal thought in the modern age provides in-depth analysis of Arab liberalism, which, although lacking public appeal and a compelling political underpinning, sustained viability over time and remains a constant part of the Arab landscape. The study focuses on the second half of the twentieth century and the early twenty-first century, a period that witnessed continuity as well as change in liberal thinking. Post-1967 liberals, like their predecessors, confronted old dilemmas, socioeconomic upheavals, political instability, and cultural disorientation, but also demonstrated ideological rejuvenation and provided liberal thought with new emphases and visions. Arab liberals contributed to public debate on cultural, social, and political issues, and triggered debates against their adversaries. Displaying such attributes as skepticism, ecumenism, and confidence in Arab advancement, they burst onto the public scene in questioning the Arab status quo and advocating alternative visions for their countries. Their struggle for freedom of religion, secularism, individualism, democracy, and human rights meant more than a rethinking of Islamic tradition and Arab political culture. It aimed rather at formulating a full-fledged liberal project to seek an Arab Enlightenment. This book fills a major gap in the research literature, which has tended to overlook Middle Eastern liberalism in favor of more powerful and assertive forces embodied by authoritarian regimes and Islamic movements. The book is essential reading for scholars and students in the fields of Islamic and Middle Eastern studies, intellectual history, political ideologies, comparative religion, and cultural studies.