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Introduction Men experience sexual violence during armed conflict situations, which affects their physical, social and psychological well-being. However, this is under-researched and under-reported ( Vojdik: 2014 : 931), and often misunderstood and mischaracterised ( Kapur and Muddell, 2016 : 4). Consequently, men who experience conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) have been severely overlooked within the humanitarian
this is often bound up with power, with the perspectives, interests and ideas of dominant groups reflected in the mainstream of politics, culture and education, while less privileged viewpoints are marginalised or actively repressed. The examples that I give above reflect issues around childcare, sexual violence and pregnancy that reflect many women’s interests and experience, but that have not attracted the attention of the male theorists who have dominated the analysis of ideology, knowledge, language and power. To take perhaps the most notable and influential of
Introduction Sexual violence against men and boys in armed conflict has garnered increasing attention over the past decade. 1 A growing body of evidence demonstrates that sexual violence against men and boys is perpetrated in many conflicts and that men and boys are also subject to sexual violence during displacement ( Chynoweth et al. , 2020b ; Féron, 2018 ; Hossain et al. , 2014 ; Johnson et al. , 2008
a ‘women’s’ issue to take account of the ways that gender is a structuring concept which impacts all and has complex and intersectional effects. The focus on sexual violence against men in two of the pieces is a timely reminder to think about the gendered nature of violence and the gendered nature of humanitarian responses to it. Catherine Akurut reviews the current literature on conflict-related sexual violence against men, importantly calling into question the ways in which the humanitarian
international colleagues. This, we argue, is all the more striking in light of the 2018 Oxfam scandal and resurgence of interest in preventing sexual exploitation and abuse (see GADN, 2019 ), as well as the rise of #AidToo and #AidSoWhite which saw aid workers share experiences of sexual violence and racism on social media as part of wider #MeToo and #BlackLivesMatter phenomena since 2013. 3 While the term ‘the field’ – and its more extreme sibling ‘the deep field
Introduction Gender-based violence (GBV) comes in many forms and is present in different contexts. It serves as the umbrella term for any harmful act perpetrated against a person’s will and is based on socially ascribed (gender) differences between men and women ( Inter-Agency Standing Committee, 2005 : 7). While it is used interchangeably with sexual violence and violence against women , GBV highlights the gender
in rural locations ( Rumble et al. , 2018 ; UNICEF, 2014 ) and communities affected by conflict and displacement ( Mazurana et al. , 2019 ; Baines, 2014 ; Schlecht et al. , 2013 ). Indeed, the relationship between conflict and child marriage is one that has resulted in considerable investment in tackling child marriages among displaced populations and in post-conflict settings by humanitarian agencies ( Oxfam, 2019 ; USAID, 2010 ). This is linked to the focus on addressing sexual violence during conflict; child marriage is often framed as resulting in sexual
civilians to reduce their exposure to threats, as in the often cited example of providing fuel-efficient stoves to reduce women’s and girls’ exposure to threats of sexual violence while collecting firewood ( Ferris, 2011 : 108; O’Callaghan and Pantuliano, 2007 : 35; Slim and Bonwick, 2005 : 89). Projects focused on income-generating activities may reduce the need for dangerous travel or otherwise risky livelihoods strategies ( Bradley, 2016
different stories. On the one hand, I heard a story about how Ben Affleck tried to do things differently with the ECI. For example, he sought to show complexity over a single story, and the ECI initially sought to support local initiatives and – as ambitious as it is surprising – sought to contribute to security sector reform. Yet, in practice, repeating the usual story about conflict minerals and sexual violence in the Congo often won out over a more nuanced and complex
relief be distributed in Cambodia. On 6 February 1980, about 150 celebrities, journalists, intellectuals, and relief workers, including MSF’s president Claude Malhuret, marched on the Cambodian borders to try to persuade the Vietnamese (see Davey, 2015 ). 4 MSF (2005), The Crushing Burden of Rape: Sexual Violence in Darfur , www.msf.org/crushing-burden-rape-sexual-violence-darfur (accessed 26 December 2020). 5 PHR is a US-based human rights NGO which combines medicine, science, and advocacy to promote medical ethics, and investigate and document