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confessed. Police also interviewed a number of witnesses, who had encountered the distraught victim and returned her to her employers’ home. More extensive questioning of the victim and the suspect followed, after which the suspect was examined by a psychiatrist, convicted and sentenced to one year in prison. 1 While many cases of sexual violence tried between 1930 and 1960 by the
, respectively, in 1970, they sparked a flowering of radical feminist thought, inspiring other women activists to speak, write, and organize, but over the course of the decade, radical feminists increasingly diverged in their thought about the causes and consequences of women’s oppression. Those differences crystallized during the 1982 Barnard Conference on Sexuality which Carole Vance coordinated and women belonging to anti-pornography organizations picketed. Although feminists had been fighting sexual violence and pornography since the beginning of the 1970s, the Barnard
nature, were in a position to contemplate larger political and military contexts, and as such were better placed than national legislators to reconsider the references to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) as previously addressed in the Hague Regulations and the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocols. In these earlier provisions,19 the concept of sexual crimes was limited to the prohibition of rape, with no express definition of what constituted rape.20 Moreover, at the time of the Hague Regulations and Geneva Convention, the kinds of atrocities witnessed in
can imagine that the system that prevailed to deal with ”problem” children in the first half of the twentieth century inflicted a significant degree of psychological violence on them, although the effect on children of social policy was scarcely, if ever, questioned. The plight of children in state care – either in institutions or foster homes – suggests a more general attitude of indifference towards children and childhood that was also reflected in official attitudes toward and treatment of physical and sexual violence against children. ISPCC case files
, today loving and caring relationships and successful marriages between soldiers and local women are more likely to remain hidden or unnoticed, whereas conflictrelated sexual violence (CRSV) will be more likely to be reported.15 In the early modern case, it was the exceptional archival find of a body of letters written to soldiers in the summer of 1625 by inhabitants of several towns in the border region of Thuringia and Hesse and some responses written by the soldiers, which gave insights into the predicament of women who had trusted soldiers’ marriage promises, and
indistinguishable from ‘the police point of view’ in relation to the prevention of prostitu- 184 women, sexuality and the law tion. The moral protection of the young was the central priority for women officers, shaping their strategies in the policing of both street and family. No longer the specific target of rescue and reform, women working in prostitution were still caught within the regulatory gaze of penal-welfarism in their capacity as parents and guardians. Sexual violence In 1982 a BBC television documentary about the Thames Valley Police showed male detectives
Rwanda is testament to that.104 And it is also increasingly clear that the presence of an ideology which denies the humanity of the ‘other’, does not protect the women of that ‘other’ from sexual violence. As Katherine Derderian has recently argued, rape was a central tool in the dehumanisation of women during the Armenian genocide.105 As such it may once again be the case that this apparent silence in Holocaust testimony tells us more about memory 296 Lawson 08_Lawson 08/09/2010 13:41 Page 297 THE RUINS OF MEMORY AND HOLOCAUST HISTORIOGRAPHY than it does about the
fathered by foreign soldiers during and after conflicts are often associated directly with gender-based violence (GBV). This is not surprising. Sexualised violence vis-à-vis women during hostilities is not only the oldest war crime, it is also, albeit in a different manifestation, the youngest such crime.2 Recent conflicts have seen this kind of atrocity used extensively with a level of brutality and disregard for the laws of warfare rarely witnessed in the past. Where there is sexual violence, children are born as a result of it. While the prevalence of conflict
determines how the child experiences being a CBOW. As is evident from all the case studies, mothering, and by implication the childhood of CBOW, is affected profoundly by economic, cultural and social circumstances. In all the countries and conflicts which were investigated, significant numbers of mothers whose children had foreign soldier fathers lived in particularly challenging economic conditions; often their hardship was exacerbated by single motherhood, by social exclusion and, especially where they had been subjected to sexual violence, by ill health. Economic
Victorian medical men could suffer numerous setbacks on their individual paths to professionalisation, and Thomas Elkanah Hoyle's career offers a telling exemplar. This book addresses a range of the financial, professional, and personal challenges that faced and sometimes defeated the aspiring medical men of England and Wales. Spanning the decades 1780-1890, from the publication of the first medical directory to the second Medical Registration Act, it considers their careers in England and Wales, and in the Indian Medical Service. The book questions the existing picture of broad and rising medical prosperity across the nineteenth century to consider the men who did not keep up with professionalising trends. Financial difficulty was widespread in medical practice, and while there are only a few who underwent bankruptcy or insolvency identified among medical suicides, the fear of financial failure could prove a powerful motive for self-destruction. The book unpicks the life stories of men such as Henry Edwards, who could not sustain a professional persona of disinterested expertise. In doing so it uncovers the trials of the medical marketplace and the pressures of medical masculinity. The book also considers charges against practitioners that entailed their neglect, incompetence or questionable practice which occasioned a threat to patients' lives. The occurrence and reporting of violent crime by medical men, specifically serious sexual assault and murder is also discussed. A tiny proportion of medical practitioners also experienced life as a patient in an asylum.