have supported rhetoric of hordes, deluges, and waves that assumed disruption, chaos, and fear – and aggression, signified by the crowds of males. Refugees were an unexpected consequence of the war and had emerged as a ‘liminal figure who threatened social stability partly by virtue of the sheer number of displaced persons, but also because the refugee was difficult to accommodate within conventional classification such as assigned people to a specific social class’ ( Gatrell, 2014 ). Having fled violence or persecution, refugees were not the same as immigrants who
Young Lives on the Left is a unique social history of the individual lives of men and women who came of age in radical left circles in the 1960s. Based on a rich collection of oral history interviews, the book follows in-depth approximately twenty individuals, tracing the experience of activist self-making from child to adulthood. Their voices tell a particular story about the shaping of the English post-war self. Championing the oppressed in struggle, the young activists who developed the personal politics of the early 1970s grew up in a post-war society which offered an ever-increasing range of possibilities for constructing and experiencing the self. Yet, for many of these men and women the inadequacy of the social, political and cultural constructions available for social identity propelled their journeys on the left. The creation of new left spaces represented the quest for a construction of self that could accommodate the range of contradictions concerning class, gender, religion, race and sexuality that young activists experienced growing up in the post-war landscape.
An important contribution to the global histories of 1968, the book explores untold stories of English activist life, examining how political experiences, social attitudes and behaviour of this group of social actors (as teenagers, apprentices and undergraduates) were shaped in the changing social, educational and cultural landscape of post-war English society. The final chapters include attention to the social and emotional impact of Women’s Liberation on the left, as told from the perspective of women and men inside the early movement.
explained by the affirmative action for ‘economically weaker sections’ instituted a few months prior to the election. This chapter reflects on the political emotions that led to the institution of affirmative action for this social class. It first discusses the class basis of the BJP's re-election. Next, it highlights the caste differentiation of the class vote for the NDA. Third, it discusses the importance of affirmative action in attracting Modi, the BJP and the NDA to the Savarna poor, a social class whose members found themselves with a precarious privilege. The
’ may, in some instances choose to obey religious authority and engage in religious practices. 59 Individual choice is not infinite. For example, Mizrahi masorti heritage(s) provides a flexible model for following Jewish tradition, but within the boundaries of the types of practice followed by someone’s immediate social network. 60 Social class also plays a role. 61 Among hilonim , there is a spectrum of practices which are commonly understood by hilonim as ‘Israeli’ and which Liebman called ‘Jewish popular culture’. 62 Individuals and families adopt or
to be taken into consideration. Second, it reclaims those products of subcultural production as resources for reconstructing the ‘emergent’ (e.g. alternative, resistant) ‘structure of feeling’ as revealed through the typeface, layout, words, phrases, symbols and sounds of the music and political ephemera: ‘affective elements of consciousness and relationships … thought as felt and feeling as thought’.5 Finally, this chapter demonstrates the importance of recovering the ‘lived experiences’ of a subaltern social class or subculture as a means to gaining a fuller
of 5 points. Meanwhile, the differences across social classes, already meagre in 2017, narrowed even further in 2019. 6 Conservative gains and Labour losses were largest among those in manual occupations (C2s and DEs) and, so, unlike in 2017, the Tories won across the social-class board. BES investigators, using an alternative (and probably superior) measure of class, reach a dramatic conclusion: the
’ rather than putting first issues of social class, she is represented as right wing.24 I have always found such analyses problematic since these influential feminist historians judge Christabel Pankhurst from a socialist feminist perspective – a nd find her wanting. Christabel was not oblivious to the class inequalities between Christabel Pankhurst: a Conservative suffragette? 33 women, but she did not put social class relationships and the class struggle at the heart of her feminist perspective. For Christabel Pankhurst, the subjection and subordinate status of
, the highly educated profile of immigrant families means that they often possess the kinds of social and cultural capital valued by the school system. However, the ease with which immigrant-origin students settle in a school may vary across nationalities, linguistic or religious groups, and social class depending on various types of capital at their disposal. In other words, the extent to which immigrant-origin students are ‘insiders’ or ‘outsiders’ may vary across a number of characteristics. Some groups of young people can be particularly marginalised and
nutrition, proponents of scientific food production consistently framed their ideas in terms of national advancement. They achieved this by firmly distinguishing between what was old and new, traditional and modern, and regressive and progressive. In the 1850s, agricultural science was institutionalised via a state-supported network of agricultural schools and model farms aimed at all social classes. Ultimately, however, small farmers exhibited resistance and apathy towards these educational schemes for an assortment of social, political and practical reasons, a factor
This chapter outlines what is meant by a class-relational approach to labour, state and society in India. Analysis of exploitation is central to this approach, and is located at and beyond the level of the production process, and understood in terms of both broader and more specific relations between capital and labour. Analysis of exploitation in this book focuses on social relations in and around production sites, and the mediation of class relations by state institutions and civil society organisations. The chapter discusses the similarities and differences between Marxian and Weberian approaches to class. More specifically, the class-relational approach is contrasted to various semi-relational approaches, which have assumed a prominent role in the literature on poverty and development to the detriment, it is argued, of classes of labour. The chapter defines the terms ‘dominant class’ and ‘classes of labour’ – the latter being understood as expressing the multi-faceted nature of social classes (imbued as they are by other axes of domination such as caste and gender), and both the fragmentation of labourers and their common position as members of exploited classes.