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either influenza or pneumonia. This total represented less than 1 per cent of the total recorded female deaths from influenza, a statistically insignificant rate when compared to the equivalent Scottish rate of 2.9 per cent of the total.29 Death by social class and occupation The weekly returns of the RG for the Dublin registration area provide insights into the burden each class and class sector suffered. Figure 9 draws on these weekly reports to give deaths by social class or occupation in the Dublin registration area during the period covering the peak three waves
, in keeping with the broader commitment to a patrician-led central state, punitive welfare measures like the poor law and a strictly limited, property-based, male franchise. 14 By contrast, as captured in T. H. Marshall’s seminal lecture on ‘Citizenship and Social Class’ (1949), the interwar and post-war periods witnessed the advent of more inclusive, egalitarian conceptions of governing and the
-century association between speculation, risky investment and gambling, I wish to map out the contemporary imaginary of financial risk-taking in spa towns. Such versatile money culture attracted a variety of sharpers and fortune-hunters. Contemporary narratives insisted on the necessity to recognise the signs of a predator, and to identify sharpers and fortune-hunters in spa towns within a hotchpotch of unknown visitors of undetermined social rank. One of the challenges for spa corporations was to usher the visitors from various social classes into the same space. It was thought
bodies like Alexander Pope's, impaired vision like Samuel Johnson's or incapacitating nervous ailments like James Boswell's, were part of a shared experience across genders and social classes that wealth could accommodate, but did not solve. For many cases in the eighteenth century, a disease was not just a clear-cut episodic event, with beginning, middle and end, but rather a series of uneven episodes, or a long-winding and disrupting experience, with resurgences and partial recoveries, transformations and degradations. Pope's famous line ‘This
different construction of women’s role in a society that was becoming increasingly defined by social class. I look first at the way disease was understood and treated and what that meant for what nurses had to know. I then consider two barriers that prevented 24 Class, gender and professional expertise the public from grasping that efficient nursing required the kind of knowledge base which, at that time, could only be gained through clinical experience. The first barrier was the persistence of the image of nurses as working-class women who really were essentially
, employers and employees, but also even bring together people of such disparate social classes as would normally preclude communications between them. These social networks are vital to our understanding of medical knowledge in Wales, since they explain how information was able to move both up and down the social scale, and also around the geographically intractable terrain of Wales, with apparent ease. Such networks crossed social and geographical boundaries and question previous depictions of Wales as being insular and remote. This chapter explores these networks and
commentators considered that the shortage was due to the decline in nursing’s ability to attract well-educated, and hence almost inevitably, middle-class recruits.21 Assumptions that nursing was losing ground to other middle-class professions such as teaching and social work have been challenged by recent research suggesting that competition was coming from ‘low-level white collar posts in the commercial sector – clerks, typists and shop assistants’.22 What was said about education, Brian Abel-Smith argues, was really a polite way of making statements about social class
. However, considerably different policies for institutionalisation and drink control were implemented in each era, resulting in disparate impacts on people's lives, depending on their social class and gender. In the late nineteenth century, private medical retreats were licensed for voluntary treatment of affluent, male inebriates. 3 The disease concept of inebriety served the interests of both psychiatrists and those families who sought relief from the social stigma associated with alcoholism. After the turn of the
colonial Zimbabwe, and the quality of healthcare differed according to race, social class and region. Infant mortality among white Zimbabweans was around 17 per thousand while in rural areas, where the majority of Africans lived, the rate was as high as 200–300 per thousand. 3 Differences also existed among Africans. Infants born in urban areas had better chances of living through childhood than rural infants. As Samuel T. Agere noted, for every 1,000 babies born in Mufakose, an African suburb in the capital of Harare, twenty-one died in the first year of their birth
professional and policy agendas while maintaining a clear focus on client needs. In the early post-war period, a range of hostels and centres were established in the United Kingdom for service-users including people with learning disabilities, clients of mental health services, so-called ‘problem families’ and vulnerable young adults. In these hostels and centres, the warden was the key member of staff. Their role has been seriously neglected in the literature, even though their experiences 191 Mental health nursing open up wider questions about social class, gender