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Sixties activism and the liberation of the self
Author: Celia Hughes

Young Lives on the Left is a unique social history of the individual lives of men and women who came of age in radical left circles in the 1960s. Based on a rich collection of oral history interviews, the book follows in-depth approximately twenty individuals, tracing the experience of activist self-making from child to adulthood. Their voices tell a particular story about the shaping of the English post-war self. Championing the oppressed in struggle, the young activists who developed the personal politics of the early 1970s grew up in a post-war society which offered an ever-increasing range of possibilities for constructing and experiencing the self. Yet, for many of these men and women the inadequacy of the social, political and cultural constructions available for social identity propelled their journeys on the left. The creation of new left spaces represented the quest for a construction of self that could accommodate the range of contradictions concerning class, gender, religion, race and sexuality that young activists experienced growing up in the post-war landscape.

An important contribution to the global histories of 1968, the book explores untold stories of English activist life, examining how political experiences, social attitudes and behaviour of this group of social actors (as teenagers, apprentices and undergraduates) were shaped in the changing social, educational and cultural landscape of post-war English society. The final chapters include attention to the social and emotional impact of Women’s Liberation on the left, as told from the perspective of women and men inside the early movement.

Stacey Gutkowski

’ may, in some instances choose to obey religious authority and engage in religious practices. 59 Individual choice is not infinite. For example, Mizrahi masorti heritage(s) provides a flexible model for following Jewish tradition, but within the boundaries of the types of practice followed by someone’s immediate social network. 60 Social class also plays a role. 61 Among hilonim , there is a spectrum of practices which are commonly understood by hilonim as ‘Israeli’ and which Liebman called ‘Jewish popular culture’. 62 Individuals and families adopt or

in Religion, war and Israel’s secular millennials
‘Crisis music’ and political ephemera in the emergent ‘structure of feeling’, 1976–83
Herbert Pimlott

to be taken into consideration. Second, it reclaims those products of subcultural production as resources for reconstructing the ‘emergent’ (e.g. alternative, resistant) ‘structure of feeling’ as revealed through the typeface, layout, words, phrases, symbols and sounds of the music and political ephemera: ‘affective elements of consciousness and relationships … thought as felt and feeling as thought’.5 Finally, this chapter demonstrates the importance of recovering the ‘lived experiences’ of a subaltern social class or subculture as a means to gaining a fuller

in Fight back
Frances McGinnity and Merike Darmody

, the highly educated profile of immigrant families means that they often possess the kinds of social and cultural capital valued by the school system. However, the ease with which immigrant-origin students settle in a school may vary across nationalities, linguistic or religious groups, and social class depending on various types of capital at their disposal. In other words, the extent to which immigrant-origin students are ‘insiders’ or ‘outsiders’ may vary across a number of characteristics. Some groups of young people can be particularly marginalised and

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands
The next Lansbury generation and Labour politics, 1881–1951
John Shepherd

another, the majority of this Lansbury generation was destined to play a part always on the left in British politics, often in association with married partners and with others in the wider family circle. Yet, in his 1928 autobiography, George Lansbury boldly claimed: ‘We never trained our children to be socialists’. This chapter explores the predominant influences of family, social class and community that shaped the career paths, and the political and social activism, of Bessie and George Lansbury’s family in British politics. With merger through marriage

in Labour and working-class lives
Bryan Fanning

and social class Adapting to Diversity implied that over-representation of newcomers within such disadvantaged settings was an obstacle to integration but also, possibly, a social-inclusion boon: This suggests that some schools are dealing with, not only a larger proportion of newcomer students, but also considerable literacy, numeracy, behavioural and attendance difficulties, and a high proportion of other disadvantaged groups like travellers, which could place a considerable burden on their resources. There is also a possibility that newcomer students may raise

in Immigration and social cohesion in the Republic of Ireland
Lea Bou Khater

encompassing the set assumptions and writings that described the new form of politics in the narrative of Ottoman, European and Lebanese modernisation. Despite theoretical differences, Mahdi Amil, a Marxist intellectual and political activist, reached similar conclusions on sectarianism to those of Makdisi. In his works, Amil examines sectarianism from a materialist perspective. He posits that the Lebanese sectarian system can only be understood by studying the impact of the colonial structure on the different social classes and the

in The labour movement in Lebanon
Sam King

multiplying collection of stages implies many are arbitrary – like the proverbial two sociology professors debating whether there are five or seven distinct social classes in capitalist society. Any good student can argue either case. There will always be important changes between any one time and another. 20 Under capitalist imperialism these occur

in Imperialism and the development myth
Tunisia background chapter
Mariam Salehi

throughout the years after 2011 and even rose after 2015 (Vatthauer 2015 ; Vatthauer and Weipert-Fenner 2017 ). However, the intensity of conflict has varied in transitional Tunisia. 37 She finds that polarisation did not occur so much along lines of social class. 38 ‘Insider mediators’ since they were

in Transitional justice in process
George Washington and Anglo-American memory diplomacy, c.1890–1925
Sam Edwards

Sam Edwards describes the period 1890–1925 as the first age of transatlantic memory diplomacy, a period in which the potential of commemoration as a mechanism through which to strengthen Anglo-American ties was first explored. Focusing on British efforts to re-Anglicize George Washington, he analyzes the placement of a new statue of the first US president outside London’s National Gallery as well as the rededication and memorialization of Sulgrave Manor, Washington’s ancestral family estate in Northamptonshire. Of particular interest to Edwards is the agency of both government elites and private associations, particularly the US National Society of Colonial Dames, and he perspicaciously dissects the intersections of gender roles, racial constructs, social class, strategic objectives, and patriotic identities that determined the goals and methods of commemoration in this era.

in Culture matters