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political sphere; Brittain then went on to found the Pilgrim Society, which was dedicated to peace between the UK and USA.90 Thus, below the level of diplomatic activity there was a world of practical connection penetrating component societies and functioning independently of politicians and states. These groups and their ideas, which underpinned popular notions of what we today call the ‘special relationship’, and the wide global reach of Britain and then the US, were a key component of the English diaspora. Anglo-Saxon associationalism, with its emphasis on ‘race
daughters. The unspoken remained central, figuratively. Friendship, of course, has no particular model, and no obligation of self-disclosure, though it does involve something of this willingness to share. Doubtless there were also things I chose not to share with him. Ours was not a confessional relationship. But it has now become clear to me how deeply the bonds of friendship mediated our work, and the other way around. So, how did this work, this intellectual relationship between Bauman and me? Zygmunt Bauman was my friend, among others. Was this a special
. The British played almost the same role with the Druzes and for a while Palmerston toyed with the idea of a ‘special relationship’ with the Druzes (the missionaries went even further in the belief that they could convert the Druzes to Protestantism). 16 The French and British consuls as well as the consuls of other powers, especially Russia (as regards the Lebanese Greek Orthodox community), became routinely involved in various aspects of Lebanese life
widespread outrage. Revelations that Black people were both more likely to die of COVID-19 and were more likely to be fined by police for allegedly breaking lockdown rules compounded decades of institutionalised racism, bolstering popular discontent. The ‘special relationship’ between the US and the UK endured, with Boris Johnson embracing the Trump administration. Many protesters taking to the streets in 2020 saw the Brexit slogan ‘Take Back Control’ as part of the same project of right-wing nationalism as Trump’s ‘Make America Great Again’. Thus, while the protests began
and others at Hyde Road blankets were carried around the pitch for people to throw donations into.3 These acts added to the acceptance of football in the city, and City also made their venue available for other charities and altruistic activities. This may have contributed to the allure of the club, which, through initiatives such as promoting schools’ football and establishing a boys’ stand free of parental involvement, gave the club a position of strength within the community. The special relationship between City and Mancunians could do nothing to prevent the
nostalgia. The couple's engagement announcement came eighteen months after Brexit, and their time in the Firm matched Britain's withdrawal period from the European Union: the UK left the European Union on 31 January 2020, and Harry and Meghan left the monarchy on 31 March 2020. Harry and Meghan's UK–US relationship also echoes the UK strengthening its ‘special relationship’ with the US as a potential post-Brexit trading partner. The media scholar Nathalie Weidhase argues that Harry and Meghan's union represents ‘bringing two nations together’, particularly pertinent
the US government’s decision to step up aid to CARE and lower the price of its 10-in-1 rations to US$4.25 a package. 119 This circumstance – which once again points to the special relationship between the agency and the US government – allowed CARE to lower the retail price of its packages to US$10 – a price-cut of more than 30 percent. The new price policy had a remarkable effect on package sales
from the here and now. This time she spoke of Exodus and described the departure of the Israelites from Egypt, the crossing of the Red Sea to the land of Canaan. ‘We have a special relationship to beaches and mountains near the sea,’ she said. We continued to walk around the small church. The woman continued to speak of faraway places and distant times. She then turned to us and spoke of her own story. ‘I am from Nigeria,’ she said. ‘In Nigeria we fast and we go to sacred sites, sometimes for days and days.’ God, she said, played His role in her leaving Nigeria to
respect and honour religion.’54 This first clause, by asserting the existence of a special relationship between the State and God, seems to imply that the freedoms of conscience and religion guaranteed to citizens in the following clause may not include the possibility that citizens might not have any religious affiliation or religious beliefs, nor indeed that citizens might have religious affiliations other than Christian ones. A form of state neutrality towards religions is then asserted in Clause 44.2.2, however, which states that ‘the State guarantees not to endow
-denominational NUI constituent colleges as providing a ‘sufficiently safe’ environment for Catholic students to describing UCD as the ‘lawful heir’ to the Catholic University that had preceded it. Facilitating this development were, first, the ‘very special relationship’ (McCartney 1999: 201) of the archbishop to UCD’s President from 1947 to 1964, Michael Tierney, and, second, the liaison committee comprising NUI college presidents and selected bishops set up in 1950. Here the initiative had been taken by the college presidents, who had ‘agreed that it was desirable to ask the