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. The London School of Economics now has a special relationship with the University College of Rhodesia: Walter Adams, the present Principal of that College will be coming to LSE, as our new Director. The official LSE magazine … greets this appointment with what appears to be considerable warmth. It even quotes Sir Sydney Caine: ‘I
local area as an altruistic act. Parkes’s linkage of Brixton and Harlem’s cultural status fits within a broader understanding of both neighbourhoods and the ‘urban crisis’ moment. Scholars have noted the links between postcolonial British racism and the racial tensions of urban America. 42 In Robin D. G. Kelley and Stephen Tuck’s collection The Other Special Relationship: Race
-State cooperation’, becoming ‘ensnared in the perennial battle over States’ rights’ with each state attempting to develop its own special relationship with the federal government and trying to ‘squeeze the maximum amount of subsidy money’ from the Commonwealth: Kent Fedorowich, ‘“Foredoomed to failure”: The resettlement of British ex-servicemen in the Dominions 1914–1930’ (PhD thesis, University of London, 1990), pp. 299, 257, 258. 31 See
In 1858 the first Maori King was installed. Although Europeans commonly depicted the Kingitanga (the Maori King movement) as a challenge to British sovereignty over New Zealand, supporters saw nothing incompatible between allegiance to their own indigenous monarch and ongoing adherence to the person of Queen Victoria (colonial governments were another matter). For Maori the relationship was a deeply personal bond, cemented through the Treaty of Waitangi that had established Victoria as a great chief of New Zealand. Long after the British government had ceased to have any meaningful role in the governance of New Zealand, Kingitanga supporters continued to look to the monarch to honour the undertakings entered into on Queen Victoria’s behalf at Waitangi in 1840. This belief in a special relationship with the British royal family survived war and land confiscations in the 1860s and endures today, giving rise to Queen Elizabeth II’s unprecedented involvement in a 1995 apology to the Kingitanga for past Crown actions.
was not always clear that the clergy of the Churches of England and Scotland did enjoy a special relationship with state-proclaimed fasts and thanksgivings. Proclamations issued in Upper and Lower Canada carried no instructions to Anglican clergy, and senior churchmen in these places worried that other churches used special occasions to claim an elevated public status. Jacob Mountain, Quebec’s Anglican bishop, pointed to an order issued by his Roman Catholic counterpart in November 1812 (it was for thanksgivings following
European rivals. See: Ian Phimister, ‘Foreign Devils, Finance and Informal Empire: Britain and China c .1900–1912’, Modern Asian Studies , 40 (3), 2006, pp. 737–759. 19 Michael Hunt, The Making of A Special Relationship: The United States and China to 1914 , New York: Columbia University Press, 1983. On the great power rivalries at stake in the China Question, see: Thomas G. Otte, The China Question: Great Power Rivalry and British
not been a happy one’. 85 The repeated references by Caribbean politicians to the idea that the British West Indies should emulate Puerto Rico’s Operation Bootstrap prompted the mission of industrialists to claim that Operation Bootstrap had in fact not been a complete success, and in particular that the four state-run factories had all made losses during the years they were government controlled. A more fundamental issue raised in the report was that it was the special relationship that Puerto Rico enjoyed with the United States that was in
prayer, and the cataloguing of providences, encouraged the idea that God recognised individual colonial territories and treated colonial communities differently. When drought devastated South Australia in 1865, an Adelaide minister took it as proof that the colony was a new Israel and had a special relationship with God, as no other country, he thought, had experienced such punishment after decades of commercial prosperity and religious improvement. 75 More generally, Meredith Lake has noted that some nineteenth
indigenous costume and sports also featured in Canadian royal tours, first with the Prince of Wales in 1860 and then on a larger scale for the Duke and Duchess of York in 1901. Through such spectacles, indigenous peoples accepted the monarch’s ‘parental protection’ and endorsed ‘their right to exist in the British North American community’, as well as ‘their special relationship with the Crown’. 134 Some white Canadians worried that to encourage the participation of First Nations peoples was to celebrate ‘savagery’, and that the
local call for self-rule against a century and a half of British presence? Or was it Britain’s carefully designed strategy to serve its economic interest and the ‘special relationship’ with the US in order to survive the Cold War? Why was the process so delayed? And who made crucial decisions in the final reckoning? These questions are not only pertinent to the current