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Thomas A. Prendergast and Stephanie Trigg

that English reformers in the sixteenth century – a most formative time for medievalism as the study of a discontinuous past – took special interest in these relics because the supernatural presence they conjured was a challenge to their capacity to reconfigure or reform the past. Their main point of attack was to claim that these objects were exactly what they seemed – a bone, a lock of hair, a piece

in Affective medievalism
M. T. Clanchy

irrational to prepare documentation for it. Reynolds has rightly questioned whether the Middle Ages was an ‘Age of Faith’, in which all individuals believed in the supernatural, but there is no doubt that the authorities promoted Christian teaching about an afterlife. 29 Geary, who discusses record-keeping two centuries earlier (his subtitle is Memory and Oblivion at the End of the First Millennium ), makes a similar point to Britnell’s, this time in criticism of my From Memory to Written Record : ‘Preservation of documentation was seldom random. We thus do not have

in Law, laity and solidarities
The judicial duel under the Angevin kings (mid–twelfth century to 1204)
Jane Martindale

’s patrimonial lands’ and in the duchy of Aquitaine, acquired through marriage to its heiress Eleanor. 10 Those were years when procedures which legal historians have comprehensively dismissed as ‘irrational’ were increasingly coming under attack by learned clergy, and also being replaced at law by methods of proof which did not leave ‘to supernatural powers the task of indicating which side was in the right’. 11 But, in spite of these attacks, the judicial duel survived the abolition of other ‘irrational’ ordeals by Pope Innocent III at the Lateran Council of 1215; and

in Law, laity and solidarities
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Pauline Stafford, Janet L. Nelson, and Jane Martindale

merely allow us to see a complexity which orality was already able to accommodate and address in social practice? Wood throws sidelights on this question as he reflects on the capacity of relics as symbols to substitute for words, and to express the duality of earth and heaven, holding together a doubled meaning in which the physical object can still evoke laughter whilst its supernatural significance remains untouched. Clanchy explicitly invites us to rethink or at least re-examine our categories, specifically the rational/irrational distinction. Both Martindale and

in Law, laity and solidarities
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Rationality, intelligence and human status
Irina Metzler

), 226, 227. 4 William of Newburgh, Historia Rerum Anglicarum, Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I , ed. R. Howlett, Rolls Series 82 (London, 1884–85), at vol. 82 part 1, 153; C. S. Watkins, History and the Supernatural in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 55. 5 Discussed briefly above in Chapter 3. 6 Paul Virilio, Speed and Politics: An Essay on Dromology (New York: Semiotext(e), 1977 [1986]). 7 C. F. Goodey

in Fools and idiots?
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The Scottish Legendary and narrative art
Eva von Contzen

In the Scottish compilation, however, we find many of Introduction 17 such ‘subtle and skilful strategies’, based on romance motifs and patterns of narration, which serve the edifying purposes of the legends by making them more entertaining. The list of features typical of romances generally comprises the following themes and motifs:  characters of aristocratic background, quests, courtly life, chivalry, love, supernatural and marvellous events, punishment and reward, and family. The majority of these themes can also be found in hagiography. Most of the saints

in The Scottish Legendary
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Character depiction and direct discourse
Eva von Contzen

. 116 The Scottish Legendary On a more general level, these findings can be tied in with previous work on saints’ legends and aspects of gender.59 A  study that focuses on female saints’ direct discourse specifically, though, has not been conducted before. Donald Weinstein and Rudolph M.  Bell, who have approached saints’ lives from a quantitative angle, note that lives of female saints contain more supernatural influence than those of male saints (almost twice as much). Men, in contrast, are more often active themselves, for instance in working miracles.60 They do

in The Scottish Legendary
James Paz

and the spiritual, natural and supernatural, human and nonhuman, are continuously overlapping in this scene. Cuthbert, endowed with superhuman strength, physically reshapes the earth and stone in order to make a visual bridge to heaven, directly connecting the local, tangible Farne Island to a universal, intangible God. Even as Cuthbert’s watery crucifixion shows the influence of Adomnan’s Life of St Columba on the anonymous and subsequent Lives, so too does Cuthbert’s solitary battle against demons recall Evagrius’ translation of Athanasius’ Life of St Antony.27

in Nonhuman voices in Anglo-Saxon literature and material culture
Open Access (free)
On Anglo-Saxon things
James Paz

artefacts (whatever it was attached to, whether a leather scabbard or gabled shrine) and maybe even gods or other supernatural beings. Somehow, though, the fitting found its way to the bottom of the River Thames –​discarded, torn apart from the context which would have imbued it with meaning. This shift from object to thing alerts us to the difficulties of ‘knowing’ an entity that has been broken, or spoiled, or dispersed, or abandoned. Yet, as Ian Hodder reminds us, it is only because we take things for granted that they become invisible to us, that we fail to notice

in Nonhuman voices in Anglo-Saxon literature and material culture
Janet L. Nelson

supernatural forces’ 70 or ‘a passport to mystical experience’ 71 are fanciful. The drinking has more to do with easing social relations, creating community, transforming (perhaps literally) the vertical to the horizontal, 72 which is not to say that disputes might not, and according to Hincmar often did, break out over a few drinks too many. Insistence on sobriety could be seen as social discipline 73 but it was not only a matter of control by the authorities of church and state: Charlemagne’s intent was to involve patresfamilias even at the level of the vulgaris

in Law, laity and solidarities