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A distinctive politics?
Author: Richard Taylor

English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.

Henry S. Price

cultural narratives to prevent people speaking the truth, and by using public policy to legally secure unfair advantages for women. Underpinning these Manosphere communities is TRP, which refers to a process of enlightenment (‘taking the pill’ or becoming ‘red pilled’) as well as a set of observations and principles about how the world really is (‘Red Pill philosophy’). Advocates have concluded that political correctness obscures a series of uncomfortable realities, but they are confronted with a world in which most people – including their friends, families and

in The free speech wars
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Brian D. Earp and Julian Savulescu

” while the drug suppresses the pain it contains. A N T I- LO V E D R UGS    1 2 5 The therapy has a good success rate. More than 70 percent of participants in a 2018 study conducted by Brunet and his colleagues reported meaningful relief from their breakup-related stress. Following treatment, many patients said reading through the details of their memory felt like “reading a novel.” In other words, the narrative remained, but the pain was gone. According to Brunet, both the drug (propranolol) and the writing exercise work together to bring about the effect: “The pill

in Love is the Drug
Brian D. Earp and Julian Savulescu

relationships. Hormonal birth control One such medication is “the pill.” According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, between 2006 and 2010 62 percent of American women of reproductive age were using contraception. The most common form of contraception was hormonal birth control, used by 10.6 million women. Hormonal contraception refers to birth control methods that act on the endocrine system. Almost all of these consist of steroid hormones, and there are two main types: combined methods, which contain both estrogen and progestin, and progestin

in Love is the Drug
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Brian D. Earp and Julian Savulescu

going to incorporate what they learned from the session into their lives. This is the integration we talked about earlier. Some people might be concerned that swallowing a pill to achieve insights into one’s relationship would be in some sense too easy. The sort of thing that, quickly attained, could just as quickly be lost. But thinking of the pill as an adjunct to relationship therapy should help alleviate this concern. It leaves plenty of room for active, nonsuperficial engagement and intentional learning about oneself and one’s partner. As Carol describes the wrap

in Love is the Drug
Alistair Cole

and pledging critical support for Jacques Chirac. The presidential party strategy worked exactly to plan. This strategy involved not just providing a majority for the President, but also engineering a realignment within the right in favour of the RPR, to sweeten the pill of the dissolution of the Gaullist movement into a much broader conservative party. The 2002 elections represented the first time since 1973 that there had not been at least two major parties on the French right. Right-wing unity paid off handsomely. The UMP won an overall majority (399 seats out of

in The French party system
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Murray Stewart Leith and Duncan Sim

survive infancy. But by 1900, the average family size fell to around six and the trend towards smaller families has continued. In the 2011 census, the average household size in Scotland was 2.19, slightly below the UK average of 2.3. While improvements in child health contributed to greater infant survival rates, there were also massive changes in access to contraception (particularly the pill) from the mid-1960s onwards, while abortion became legal in mainland UK in 1967 (Botting and Dunnell 2000 ). There have therefore been a series of demographic changes that

in Scotland
Jean-François Caron

Air Force insists that the use of these amphetamines is voluntary and that pilots must sign a consent form before using them, 11 this form states that pilots can be grounded if they decline. Anyone who knows the military system even remotely is aware that grounding – whatever the circumstances – can have serious implications for a pilot's career. This this policy tends to put indirect pressure on a pilot to take the pills, even if he or she

in A theory of the super soldier
Oliver Daddow

the world, Blair considered the Iraq issue and set out his rationale for choosing to ally London so closely with Washington in the emerging rounds of UN diplomacy on Iraq’s WMD programme (Blair 2002b). John Kampfner’s sources told him that the key Iraq segments of the speech were inserted by Blair after last-minute discussions with his Number 10 chief of staff Jonathan Powell. ‘They did it to head off dissent within the party – or in the words of one who was involved in the speech “to sweeten the pill of Iraq”’ (Kampfner 2004: 213). Here, then, was Blair using a set

in New Labour and the European Union
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Economics, influence and security
Oliver Daddow

want. Blair and Brown believed that the precondition to winning the argument about the EU was altering subterranean British attitudes to matters ‘European’ more generally. Meanwhile, sweetening the pill of British membership and clearing the way for potential further engagement with the EU across a range of policy sectors meant bringing home to the British people what the EU meant to them in economic, influence and security terms. In Lance Price’s words above, the ‘crude appeal’ of ‘jobs plus…’ was the propaganda part of the message Blair and Brown put out to alter

in New Labour and the European Union