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Thinking the present

This book offers the first authoritative guide to assumptions about time in theories of contemporary world politics. It demonstrates how predominant theories of the international or global ‘present’ are affected by temporal assumptions, grounded in western political thought, which fundamentally shape what we can and cannot know about world politics today. In so doing, the book puts into question the ways in which social scientists and normative theorists diagnose ‘our’ post-Cold War times. The first part of the book traces the philosophical roots of assumptions about time in contemporary political and international theory. The second part examines contemporary theories of world politics, including liberal and realist International Relations theories and the work of Habermas, Hardt and Negri, Virilio and Agamben. In each case, it is argued, assumptions about political time ensure the identification of the particular temporality of western experience with the political temporality of the world as such and put the theorist in the unsustainable position of holding the key to the direction of world history. In the final chapter, the book draws on postcolonial and feminist thinking, and the philosophical accounts of political time in the work of Derrida and Deleuze, to develop a new ‘untimely’ way of thinking about time in world politics.

Open Access (free)
M. Anne Brown

EAST TIMOR WAS forcibly incorporated into Indonesia in 1975 and managed, through a confluence of circumstances that was at once remarkable and yet another example of a suppressed people snapping back like bent but unbroken twigs (to use Isaiah Berlin’s phrase), to become independent almost twenty-five years later. Now the territory, poised on the edge of statehood, is undergoing transition, but also flux and confusion. At the time of writing the United Nations Transitional Authority for East Timor (UNTAET) is effectively the Government of

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Abstract only
Kimberly Hutchings

3200TimeandWorldPolitics.qxd:2935 The Biopolitics 18/7/08 07:57 Page 106 5 Time for democracy Introduction N the previous chapter I argued that ‘scientific’ attempts to diagnose the post1989 times of world politics, in spite of their explicit rejection of historicism, nevertheless depended on kairotic meta-narratives of political temporality. The familiar ghost of philosophical history, in which the scholar’s task is both to identify the ‘real’ mechanisms underlying historical development and to intervene, or enable intervention, positively in relation to

in Time and world politics
Vittorio Bufacchi

… well-meaning speakers tried to voice their fellow-feeling, and indeed did so, but at the same time proved the utter incapacity of every man truly to share in suffering which he cannot see. Albert Camus, The Plague We live in an ageing society. In 2017 the United Nations noted the following trends in global population ageing: The global population aged 60 years or over numbered 962 million in 2017, more than twice as large as in 1980, when there were 382 million older persons worldwide. The number of older persons is expected to double again by

in Everything must change
Kimberly Hutchings

3200TimeandWorldPolitics.qxd:2935 The Biopolitics 18/7/08 07:57 Page 3 1 Introduction to the question of world-political time Introduction N The Critique of Pure Reason, Kant argued that our grasp of the world is inescapably structured through space and time. In other words, whether we like it or not, our experience of any object is always located in a spatial field and temporal duration, conceived in Newtonian terms. The novelty of Kant’s argument was that he effectively bracketed the question of the ontological status of space and time, thus evading long

in Time and world politics
Charmian Brinson and Richard Dove

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 09/04/2013, SPi 9 ‘Peace for our time’ In early October 1938, the British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain returned to Britain after signing the ill-fated Munich Agreement, which effectively dismembered Czechoslovakia. Standing outside 10 Downing Street, triumphantly waving ‘a piece of paper’, signed by himself and ‘Herr Hitler’, Chamberlain announced that he had achieved ‘peace for our time’. Historians, with the benefit of hindsight, have dealt harshly with Chamberlain, but it is worth noting that his stance commanded wide

in A matter of intelligence
Paul Copeland

4 The negotiation of the revision of the Working Time Directive This second of the three case study chapters analyses the negotiations on the revision of the Working Time Directive (WTD). How much people work is an important and contested aspect of economic life. By some normative standards, working fewer hours is an important measure of the ‘good life’, to be weighed against growth, employment, and other measures of economic wellbeing (Burgoon and Baxandall, 2004: 439–440). In 1993 the WTD was introduced to regulate and harmonise working time across the EU. It

in EU enlargement, the clash of capitalisms and the European social dimension
News media framing of Irish political interventions in the UK’s EU referendum
Anthony Cawley

social media platforms have often served, counter-intuitively, to distort rather than enrich the public sphere. The EU greeted the emergence of the World Wide Web with optimistic rhetoric about seamless participatory communication among citizens across member states ( Preston 2009a ). However, as Preston has argued, even if online technologies compressed communication ‘time-space’ across the EU, they came to mirror

in Ireland and the European Union
Eunice Goes

1 Social democracy at a time of crisis I think this is a centre-left moment … But for me it’s a centre-left moment because people think there’s something unfair and unjust about our society. You’ve got to bring the vested interests to heel; you’ve got to change the way the economy works. That’s our opportunity. Ed Miliband1 Eight years have passed since the beginning of the global financial crisis but its impact still reverberates across Europe. Levels of public debt are still high, the stability of European banks is questioned by rating agencies, economic

in The Labour Party under Ed Miliband
Andy Smith

by the majority of the population only since the 1970s, banks have been the dominant lender of credit to French businesses since at least the mid-nineteenth century. Indeed, as recently as 1976 the ratio of bank loans to stocks and shares in France was 85:15 (as in West Germany), figures in sharp contrast to the UK’s 58:42 and the US’s 51:49 ratios ( Levy, 1999 ). However, at that time the big difference between France and West Germany was that French banks were not independent from the state. Indeed, as Jonah Levy highlighted, until the 1980s, the state even fixed

in Made in France