In the twenty-first century, transatlanticrelations no longer enjoy the prominence they had in both the foreign policies of the United States and of many Western European countries, as well as in the history of international relations during the second half of the twentieth century. Yet, transatlanticrelations remain a focus of study by historians and political scientists, as America and the European Union still are, economically and politically (and, in the American case, militarily), two of the most powerful actors in international
This study interprets and interrelates the major political, economic and security developments in Europe – including transatlantic relations – from the end of World War II up until the present time, and looks ahead to how the continent may evolve politically in the future. It weaves all the different strands of European events together into a single picture that gives the reader a deep understanding of the continent, and of its current and future challenges. The first chapters trace European reconstruction and political, economic and security developments – both in the East and in the West – leading up to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Later chapters examine the European Union's reform efforts, enlargement, movement to a single currency and emerging security role; the political and economic changes in central and Eastern Europe, including Russia; the break up of Yugoslavia and the wars that ensued; and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)'s enlargement and search for a new mission. Final chapters deal with forces affecting Europe's future, such as terrorism, nationalism, religion, demographic trends and globalisation.
“I alone can fix it.”
Donald J. Trump, accepting Republican nomination for President of the United States 1
The second major 2016 shock for transatlanticrelations came in the United States with the Republican nomination and then electoral victory of Donald Trump – someone who had selfidentified as both a Democrat and Republican over the years and donated money to candidates of both parties. Trump raised concerns throughout the campaign as someone who played on the fears of Americans concerning both terrorism and their own financial well
Union. But it also created uncertainties affecting transatlanticrelations, international affairs and the future of the West more generally. As the first of two 2016 quakes that rattled the West, Brexit reflected perhaps the growing power of populist sentiment and rejection of globalism and distance regulation/governance. Brexit turned out to be a warning that neither traditional assumptions nor professional opinion polls could be completely trusted in this new era. Applauded by Vladimir Putin, neo-nationalist and populist politicians in Europe, including France
A programme for the teaching of history in the post- national era
governments remain important agents in this field of study, transatlantic scholars recognized the roles non-governmental actors play in transatlanticrelations. ‘Historians of international relations … had’, as Akira Iriye reminds us, ‘virtually ignored’ the activities of non-governmental organizations. 30 Yet, the activities of non-governmental associations such as Greenpeace reminded scholars that there were powers outside the realm of traditional state authority. Gienow-Hecht observed:
Aware of the crucial role played by
The TransAtlantic reconsidered brings together established experts from Atlantic History and Transatlantic Studies – two fields that are closely connected in their historical and disciplinary development as well as with regard to the geographical area of their interest. Questions of methodology and boundaries of periodization tend to separate these research fields. However, in order to understand the Atlantic World and transatlantic relations today, Atlantic History and Transatlantic Studies should be considered together. The scholars represented in this volume have helped to shape, re-shape, and challenge the narrative(s) of the Atlantic World and can thus (re-)evaluate its conceptual basis in view of historiographical developments and contemporary challenges. This volume thus documents and reflects on the changes within Transatlantic Studies during the last decades. New perspectives on research reconceptualize how we think about the Atlantic World. At a time when many political observers perceive a crisis in transatlantic relations, critical evaluation of past narratives and frameworks will provide an academic foundation to move forward.
Susanne Lachenicht, Charlotte A. Lerg, and Michael Kimmage
these developments ‘marked a watershed in transatlanticrelations’. 1 Some scholars have since argued for ‘a new and constructive Transatlantic Bargain for the twenty-first-century’. 2
Against this background and as we consign the twentieth century to history (chapter 2), 3 while major shifts ripple through global politics, how do we as academics assess the Atlantic World? It is time to critically reconsider the concept of the Atlantic World and the field of Transatlantic Studies.
The birth of a
[…] Notwithstanding this draft on its resources, it at present holds
perhaps a higher position in the country than it ever occupied before.
In common with other denominations its population has of late
declined; but its ministers and congregations since the beginning of
the century have more than doubled’.16 Like Catholic clergy, Presbyterians could therefore identify significant ways in which, despite its
losses, their church had profited by emigration. Not least of these was
the fostering of transatlanticrelations which had been so important
in initiating the transformative 1859
at Europe, and that desire resonated throughout transatlanticrelations – and the rest of the world – through the century. 7
The focus on the twentieth century differs from the acknowledged subject-area of Atlantic Studies, which examines the interchanges of the era of the great revolutions and the slave trade, and peters out some time in the early 1800s. 8 What sets this transatlantic era apart is the scale and depth of US–European interactions, ranging from large-scale migration, to the transfer of political causes and scientific
Britain, France and the Rhodesian problem, 1965–1969
Community (EEC) to disagreements over transatlanticrelations, Cold War alliances and the Concorde Project, intensified this enduring Anglo-French mésentente (Young 2006: 165–8). In 1967, when De Gaulle
rejected Britain’s application for membership of the EEC for the second time,
these tensions increased exponentially. The outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War
in the same year, in which France supported the Biafran separatists in their
struggle against the British-backed Nigerian Federal Government, further
exacerbated Anglo-French hostility (Warson 2009). Understood within