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Ministers, atomic espionage and Anglo-American relations
Daniel W. B. Lomas

represented the post-war solidification of a series of ‘special’, highly compartmentalised intelligence relationships spanning the fields of human intelligence, signals intelligence, counter-intelligence, special operations and analysis, which burgeoned in the post-war period and which, because of their specialised nature, were resistant to wider tensions in transatlantic relations. 8

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

Transatlantic relations have been a core issue in European – especially West European – security since the end of the Second World War. The first section of this chapter examines the nature of the transatlantic relationship and its Cold War evolution. Attention then moves, in the second section, to considering its development during the years since 1989. It will then be argued, in the third and final

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
From Afghanistan to Iraq
Kerry Longhurst

perspectives on the use of force within the changing context of transatlantic relations. The changing contours of transatlantic relations The change in German security thinking at the beginning of the twentyfirst century took place within an already evolving context of transatlantic relations. Developments on both sides of the Atlantic in the field of foreign and security policy were setting out quite different European and American agendas and perspectives on the use of force in international politics in the 1990s. Two processes stand out here as illustrative of the nature of

in Germany and the use of force
The unexpected security consequences of Brexit
Federiga Bindi

within 60 days for at least one year. In December 2002, NATO and the EU negotiated a set of agreements, called ‘Berlin Plus’, to govern the sharing of assets between the EU and NATO for crisis management and peacekeeping operations. The events of 9/11 were to have lasting effects on transatlantic relations. The George W. Bush administration was quickly at odds with its European allies on issues such as missile defense, climate change, and relations with Russia and the Balkans (Peterson and Pollack 2003 , 85–98). The Anglo-American attack on Iraq in 2003 was

in The European Union after Brexit
Abstract only
Bridge or barrier?
Bill Park

. Alternatively, it could find itself pushed back into Washington’s arms, particularly were Iran to emerge as a (WMD-armed) rival to Turkey for influence and control in Iraq. Turkish external policy could incorporate elements of each of these options. Transatlantic relations and Ankara’s dilemmas The security implications of EU enlargement to include Turkey also hinge on the future of

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Abstract only
Steven Kettell

the US President, Franklin Roosevelt, were considered by many in senior political circles to have established a common and enduring bond that was unique among nations, both in kind and intensity. But the balance of power between the two countries was far from equal, and transatlantic relations were far from trouble-free.2 Notable weak points centred on the issues of Palestine and cooperation over nuclear weapons technology (particularly following the US decision to cease bilateral collaboration in 1946), while the ongoing themes of economic and international rivalry

in New Labour and the new world order
Abstract only
John Lough

, Trump’s disregard for NATO, his contempt for the EU and his tendency to treat Germany as an enemy rather than an ally made him Moscow’s accomplice in weakening transatlantic relations. His assault on Germany for its low level of defence spending and the hostility of his administration to Nord Stream 2 were a deeply unnerving experience for German policymakers that look set to recede to some extent under the presidency of Joe Biden. However, even if the atmosphere improves, a return to the pre-Trump status quo in Germany’s relations with the USA looks unlikely because

in Germany’s Russia problem
The Balkan experience
Martin A. Smith

.defenselink.mil/ . 37 Michael Clarke and Paul Cornish, ‘The European defence project and the Prague summit’, International Affairs , 78:4 (October 2002), p. 786. 38 See Dieter Dettke, House Committee on International Relations, The Future of Transatlantic Relations: A View From

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Mark Webber

against Terror: The Fall of NATO and Europe’s Reluctant Coming of Age’, European Security , Vol. 12(2), 2003, pp. 73–4. 10 Cited in T.G. Carpenter, ‘The Bush Administration’s Security Strategy: Implications for Transatlantic Relations’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs , Vol. 16(3), 2003

in Inclusion, exclusion and the governance of European Security
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New Labour, the EU and the wider world
Oliver Daddow

, from his vantage position in the Washington embassy, felt that, by the time of Blair’s meeting with Bush in January 2003: ‘Transatlantic relations were in a trough. Blair’s famous bridge between Europe and America was sinking beneath the waves’ (Meyer 2006: 261). In sum, critics of the bridge strategy argue that it was undesirable in theory, or that it was impossible to execute in practice, either because Blair did not mean what he said or because he was unable to exercise enough of a calming influence over US policy in the war on terror. What we could add

in New Labour and the European Union