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In the twenty-first century, transatlantic relations no longer enjoy the prominence they had in both the foreign policies of the United States and of many Western European countries, as well as in the history of international relations during the second half of the twentieth century. Yet, transatlantic relations remain a focus of study by historians and political scientists, as America and the European Union still are, economically and politically (and, in the American case, militarily), two of the most powerful actors in international
Transatlantic relations have been a core issue in European – especially West European – security since the end of the Second World War. The first section of this chapter examines the nature of the transatlantic relationship and its Cold War evolution. Attention then moves, in the second section, to considering its development during the years since 1989. It will then be argued, in the third and final
governments remain important agents in this field of study, transatlantic scholars recognized the roles non-governmental actors play in transatlantic relations. ‘Historians of international relations … had’, as Akira Iriye reminds us, ‘virtually ignored’ the activities of non-governmental organizations. 30 Yet, the activities of non-governmental associations such as Greenpeace reminded scholars that there were powers outside the realm of traditional state authority. Gienow-Hecht observed: Aware of the crucial role played by
The TransAtlantic reconsidered brings together established experts from Atlantic History and Transatlantic Studies – two fields that are closely connected in their historical and disciplinary development as well as with regard to the geographical area of their interest. Questions of methodology and boundaries of periodization tend to separate these research fields. However, in order to understand the Atlantic World and transatlantic relations today, Atlantic History and Transatlantic Studies should be considered together. The scholars represented in this volume have helped to shape, re-shape, and challenge the narrative(s) of the Atlantic World and can thus (re-)evaluate its conceptual basis in view of historiographical developments and contemporary challenges. This volume thus documents and reflects on the changes within Transatlantic Studies during the last decades. New perspectives on research reconceptualize how we think about the Atlantic World. At a time when many political observers perceive a crisis in transatlantic relations, critical evaluation of past narratives and frameworks will provide an academic foundation to move forward.
perspectives on the use of force within the changing context of transatlantic relations. The changing contours of transatlantic relations The change in German security thinking at the beginning of the twentyfirst century took place within an already evolving context of transatlantic relations. Developments on both sides of the Atlantic in the field of foreign and security policy were setting out quite different European and American agendas and perspectives on the use of force in international politics in the 1990s. Two processes stand out here as illustrative of the nature of
? The belt and road initiative and international order ”, International Affairs 94 ( 2 ), 231–49 . https://academic.oup.com/ia/article/94/2/231/4851910 . Peterson . J. ( 2016 ). “ Introduction: where things stand and what happens next ”, in Alcaro , R. , Peterson , J. and Greco , E. (eds), The West and the Global Power Shift: Transatlantic Relations and Global Governance. London : Springer
ground, but rather set the framework for greater external pressure on the issues (García's chapter). Beyond government-level interactions, inter-parliamentary dialogues have also been firmly institutionalised within transatlantic relations. As with other high-level inter-regional dialogues, Eurolat has failed to reach agreements. Subsequent decisions and plans for action on key issues, such as the deteriorating social situation in Venezuela, have failed to materialise, given different views on the matter and Latin American states’ opposition to
transatlantic elites: politicians, diplomats, ambassadors, civil servants, philanthropists, and specially formed private associations including, significantly, women’s patriotic societies. Eager to bolster transatlantic relations in the present, such elites trawled the past for figures and events that they could claim – and commemorate – as indicative of a uniquely close Anglo-American bond. 12 The important role played by such activities in the post-1945 era has certainly received attention. 13 But by examining the period from the Anglo-American rapprochement of the 1890s
on specifically the Balkans/Southeast Europe (23 per cent). European security, European identity and culture, Europe–Turkey relations, Greece–Turkey relations, Cyprus, 6 Europe in global politics, foreign policy, and transatlantic relations constitute other major themes of courses. Overall, another remarkable point about the courses both on the EU and European Studies in Turkey might be identified as the ‘geographical concentration’ of the courses. In their study, which investigates teaching about Europe in
: Transatlantic Relations and Global Governance. London : Springer , pp. 1–18 . Pinheiro , L. and Gaio , G. ( 2014 ). “ Cooperation for development, Brazilian regional leadership and global protagonism ”, Brazilian Political Science Review 8 ( 2 ), 8–30 . Epub September. https://doi.org/10