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Arantza Gómez Arana and María J. García

? The belt and road initiative and international order ”, International Affairs 94 ( 2 ), 231–49 . https://academic.oup.com/ia/article/94/2/231/4851910 . Peterson . J. ( 2016 ). “ Introduction: where things stand and what happens next ”, in Alcaro , R. , Peterson , J. and Greco , E. (eds), The West and the Global Power Shift: Transatlantic Relations and Global Governance. London : Springer

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
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The more things change the more they stay the same?
María J. García and Arantza Gómez Arana

ground, but rather set the framework for greater external pressure on the issues (García's chapter). Beyond government-level interactions, inter-parliamentary dialogues have also been firmly institutionalised within transatlantic relations. As with other high-level inter-regional dialogues, Eurolat has failed to reach agreements. Subsequent decisions and plans for action on key issues, such as the deteriorating social situation in Venezuela, have failed to materialise, given different views on the matter and Latin American states’ opposition to

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
Arantza Gómez Arana

: Transatlantic Relations and Global Governance. London : Springer , pp. 1–18 . Pinheiro , L. and Gaio , G. ( 2014 ). “ Cooperation for development, Brazilian regional leadership and global protagonism ”, Brazilian Political Science Review 8 ( 2 ), 8–30 . Epub September. https://doi.org/10

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
Balancing, accommodation or driver of change?
María J. García

critical mechanism for the advancement of other aspects of the EU–Latin American relations agenda, and a cornerstone defining the evolution of transatlantic relations. Context of negotiations: geo-economic balancing President Obama's administration (2008–16) pursued an intense trade agreement policy, with a particular focus on setting the rules of trade through ambitious mega-regional agreement negotiations: the TPP with eleven other states in the Americas, Asia and Australasia, and the TTIP with the European Union. Billed as game

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
George Washington and Anglo-American memory diplomacy, c.1890–1925
Sam Edwards

transatlantic elites: politicians, diplomats, ambassadors, civil servants, philanthropists, and specially formed private associations including, significantly, women’s patriotic societies. Eager to bolster transatlantic relations in the present, such elites trawled the past for figures and events that they could claim – and commemorate – as indicative of a uniquely close Anglo-American bond. 12 The important role played by such activities in the post-1945 era has certainly received attention. 13 But by examining the period from the Anglo-American rapprochement of the 1890s

in Culture matters
P. G. Wodehouse, transatlantic romances in fiction, and the Anglo-American relationship
Finn Pollard

fictions exploring Anglo-American interactions went apparently unnoticed. And there were contrary experiences. Not all were enamored of the centennial celebrations. The two nations were no longer likely to go to war, but nor was formal alliance close, and the United States hedged when war broke out. Foreign Secretary Grey’s remark in his memoir on transatlantic relations that ‘in the years from 1905 to 1912 there was not much in the handling of public affairs … that retains sufficient interest to be described here’ might speak for a continued reserve as much as a special

in Culture matters
Carla Monteleone and Kseniya Oksamytna

administration under President Trump that caused the tensions in transatlantic relations, the UK's decision to leave the EU that reduced its role as a transmission belt of EU states’ interests, and an increase in competition within the international system, a reduction in the strength and coherence of the transatlantic coalition in the Security Council lowered the political cost of opposing the US's proposals for Russia and China. Table 2.2 Sponsorship of draft resolutions on

in United Nations peace operations and International Relations theory
The external image of Germany’s foreign policy
Siegfried Schieder

ongoing eurozone crisis, the conflicts in Syria and Ukraine, the migration crisis as well as the uncertain development of European integration and transatlantic relations after ‘Brexit’ and the Trump presidency have pushed ‘German foreign policy into an international leadership role’, although Germany had not ‘actively sought such a role’. 97 Germany did not seek ‘greater responsibility in Europe after reunification’; rather, it emerged as a central player ‘by remaining stable as the world around it changed’. 98 However, the growing international demands on German

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
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Wilhelm Vosse and Paul Midford

European Integration , 38(7): 791–806. Hamilton, D., 2014. ‘The Transatlantic Pivot’, in Roy, S., Cooper, D. and Murphy, B. M. (eds), Transatlantic Relations and Modern Diplomacy: An Interdisciplinary Examination (New York: Routledge), p. 81f. Ikenberry, J. and Inoguchi, T. (eds), 2013. Reinventing the Alliance: US – Japan Security Partnership in an Era of Change (New York: Palgrave Macmillan). Midford, P., 2010. ‘Historical Memory versus Democratic Reassurance: The Security Relationship between Japan

in Japan's new security partnerships