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sought to migrate to more wealthy islands, especially Trinidad, Aruba and Curaçao to the south, which were, in turn, a gateway to Venezuela in richer times (Richardson, 1992 ). Since the twentieth century out-migration has become an essential safety valve, offering relief from high levels of under- and unemployment in the region, cheap labour for the metropoles and substantial invisible export earnings
). 22 The List of Issues provided by the CESCR in response requests information, amongst other things, on the following: measures taken to ensure that corporations respect economic, social, and cultural rights throughout their operations; the UK’s strategy to overcome gender inequality, including the gender pay gap; the impact of measures taken to address unemployment and provide access to work among marginalised groups; whether the minimum wage provides workers and their families with a “decent living”; concrete measures to make childcare services available
happen together. First, the given political arrangements no longer work in a way that enables stable governing to occur. Second, those governing arrangements malfunction so badly that they forfeit the consent of the people.’ 11 This focus on the return of fascism to Europe also helps to explain the demographic underpinnings of support for the far right. Through an examination of recent polling data, Robert Inglehart and Pippa Norris show that ‘[o]lder voters are much likelier than younger voters to support these parties, although unemployment rates are higher among
midst of the global depression. Walter Greenwood’s Love on the Dole (1933)4 might be a comparable English- language novel, since it too deals with poverty and unemployment using a predominantly realist mode, and both novels draw on the immediate autobiographical experiences of the authors for material. Nevertheless, there are a number of elements to The Drinker which make it an ‘Existential drinker’ text. While not exactly following all of the contours of some of the other novels treated in this book, it does nevertheless address them in one way or another, and in
-fighting mandate of the Buba , not on the dual mandate of the American Federal Reserve, which seeks to manage both inflation and unemployment. This allowed Germany to build its ordoliberal preferences for price stability into the institutional DNA of the Eurozone. 12 The insistence on enshrining teutonic approaches based on German collective memories of the interwar crisis reflects what Habermas has referred to as the Federal Republic’s ‘Deutschmark nationalism’ ( DM-Nationalismus ). This turn of phrase describes how ‘German pride in West Germany’s economic accomplishments
reconstruction of the politically constituted state as the only feasible response to the shrinking of statehood pursued with such ruthless vehemence by the powerful proponents of global neoliberal governance. Although this demand makes eminent sense, it is not clear how this work of reconstruction is to proceed.4 What is clear, however, is that economists and other academics, elected politicians, entrepreneurs, journalists, and trade unionists have been talking over the course of several decades about how to restructure work, reduce unemployment, improve the conditions of
they are living in ‘the hydrogen age’, p. 190. 26 Ibid., p. 84. 27 Ibid., p. 173. He does provide a little more detail, but again it is a summary of drinking behaviour rather than anything extensive: ‘For the next few months I drew forty-five dollars a week in railroad unemployment and with this, together with moneys I quite shamelessly bummed from my roommate and other barroom acquaintances, I was able to stay drunk continually’, ibid. 28 Ibid., p. 298. 29 Ibid., p. 297. 30 Ibid., p. 1. 31 Ibid., p. 71. 32 Ibid., p. 18. 33 Ibid., pp. 361–2. 34
region's position in the global racialised order. Yugoslavs faced fewer visa requirements when travelling abroad than citizens of either superpower bloc, a freedom of travel that was always conditional on income and political standing but greatly exceeded the visa restrictions Western states would place on ex-Yugoslavs during the 1990s wars ( Chapter 4 ). Guest-worker programmes relieved Yugoslavia's unemployment programmes until host states officially ceased them after the 1973 oil crisis (Shonick 2009 ). Approximately 600,000 workers (1.3 million people including
unsettled nomads and therefore as underserving of Czech citizenship. This was despite the fact that the former socialist government had relocated them and their unemployment was a consequence of broader transition processes. Critical civil society reports showed that the inability to access citizenship according to new laws disproportionally affected Roma and stressed that the new Czech authorities designed these policies in a way to exclude Roma (Šklová and Miklušáková, 1998 ). In 1996 the Czech government amended the Citizenship Act, giving the
, who … have other aims in entering the EU’ and ‘present[ed] a potential security threat’. Even for ‘real’ refugees, however, Croatia could ‘only be part of the transit route’ because, amid high rates of unemployment and economic emigration, ‘Croatia must take account of its own people and its developmental conditions … We can show a human face, but we must, above all, take care of our own citizens’ (Benčić 2015a ). The region's grassroots relief and solidarity movements, meanwhile, recreated alternative geopolitics that both evoked everyday