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4 Transforming the unemployed: trade union benefits and the advent of state policy Noel W hiteside Introduction: defining unemployment In his early work, Chris Wrigley wrote extensively on the relationship between the Liberal Party and the labour movement in general and on David Lloyd George and the trade unions in particular, notably during the years surrounding the First World War. The present chapter revisits this relationship – less to revise Chris’s original contribution than to add to it, by reviewing the pre-war Liberal governments’ well known welfare
7 Labour segmentation and precariousness in Spain: theories and evidence Josep Banyuls and Albert Recio Introduction Spain is a country with strongly marked contrasts in the labour market. Since the economic crisis of the 1970s until today it is the European country that has experienced the greatest fluctuations in the volume of employment. During periods of recession, unemployment rates have been among the highest worldwide, but conversely, during recovery periods, employment growth has been very intense. It is also the European labour market with the greatest
an association between the incidence of mental stress and individual-level socioeconomic factors, such as age, gender, principal economic status (PES), education and income. Time-series studies, on the other hand, look at aggregate historical data for factors such as suicide or hospital admissions and examine the degree to which we observe over time an association between these measures and macroeconomic aggregates such as GDP growth, unemployment, inflation etc. It is crucial to note that for both types of data it is often the case that the best we can hope
Social reproduction of youth labour market inequalities 13 The social reproduction of youth labour market inequalities: the effects of gender, households and ethnicity Jacqueline O’Reilly, Mark Smith and Paola Villa Introduction Young people have been disproportionately hit by the economic crisis. In many European countries, unemployment rates have increased faster for youth than for prime age groups (O’Reilly et al., 2015). Vulnerability to the risks of poverty and precarious employment has been compounded by increasing economic inequalities and the rise
institutions of the country.1 Before independence, Irish social policy had been shaped by British legislation as well as by Catholicism. The Church sought tight control over education and health, areas seen as crucial to the inter-generational transmission of faith and Catholic morality. The role of the state had expanded from the introduction the Poor Relief Act (1838) to include responsibility for unemployment benefits and old age pensions. Both the Church and the state came to administer demarcated areas of social policy. Catholicism aside, the main ideological influence
the fiscal resources that were created by rapid growth in order to reduce inequality and improve social welfare. Instead, it turned these resources back, through tax reductions that favoured the wealthier members of Irish society. Some initial observations At the end of the 1980s, the Irish people suffered a twenty per cent official rate of unemployment1 and the state had one of the highest ratios of debt to national income in the world. The 1980s had been a difficult period of restructuring in the world economy. The southern Irish economy, whose indigenous
the world from the perspective of the ‘deportee’. The chapter proceeds with a description of what people face after deportation – focusing on poverty, violence, in security, ill-health and unemployment – before situating these hardships in historical and global context. I trace contemporary economic and social relations in Jamaica through slavery and colonialism, before offering a broad theorisation of citizenship in global perspective. Ultimately, my argument is that citizenship is fundamental to the racial ordering of the world and the (re) production of a
opportunity to migrate to Europe. In this context, it is not surprising that hundreds of Chagos islanders and their descendants applied for UK passports and sought to migrate to the UK. During my fieldwork in Mauritius in 2002–4, the reasons Chagossian prospective emigrants gave for wanting to emigrate from Mauritius fell into three main categories: firstly, what they viewed as a low-quality and inequitable education system; secondly, high unemployment and unattractive employment opportunities, especially for those who felt structurally disadvantaged as a result of poor
, and that migration to traditional Commonwealth locations would continue to offer basic prospects of self-improvement in the ways it had done for centuries. This was brought into sharp focus by the British recession of the 1980s, which saw steep rises in unemployment, peaking at over three million by mid-decade and persisting through booms and busts into the 1990s. It was fertile ground for fostering thoughts of emi82 Thatcher’s refugees and Thatcher’s beneficiaries 83 7 Aspiring migrants queuing in the rain for an Australian information day, Manchester, March
Labour Cabinet remained to become leader of a decimated party.14 Emasculated, Labour made little impact on such critical issues as mass unemployment and the infamous means test. By the time of the 1935 election, although Joad actively campaigned for Labour, most FPSI members remained sceptical. The FPSI was spawned, not as a rival or mouthpiece for the Labour Party, but in a manner more typical of extra-parliamentary left-wing groupings full of idealistic individuals bent on applying rational and scientific measures to solve a range of social and economic problems at