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Young women’s experiences of access to reproductive health in southern Africa
Kezia Batisai

resources; mismanagement of healthcare funds; bureaucracy; corruption; poor political, public sector and medical/health leadership; and a complex and lengthy health transition (Kautzky and Tollman 2008 ; Rispel, 2016 ). Although there is reference to inequalities in the list above, the question of social stratification and access to healthcare in southern Africa needs further interrogation. Inequalities in the South African context, where the wide gap between the rich and the poor is attributed to the high unemployment rate (Chiwire, 2016 ), have

in Birth controlled
An ethical response from South Africa informed by vulnerability and justice
Manitza Kotzé

, all of these factors play a decisive role. Financially, South Africa and Brazil are the two countries worldwide with the biggest gap between the rich and the poor (Kotzé, 2019 : 250). With this ever-widening gap, and extremely high unemployment levels, the vast majority of South Africans cannot afford access to reproductive technology. Statistics South Africa indicated in 2017 that over 70% of the populace are reliant on public healthcare services ( 2017 : 3). There are only two hospitals in South Africa covered by public healthcare where

in Birth controlled
Abstract only
Richard Bates

inequality. 13 The high birth rates and full employment of the trente glorieuses gave way to years of smaller family sizes and high structural unemployment. Marriage rates fell and divorces increased, as more people lived alone or cohabited without marrying. Cities were continuing to expand, sprouting new housing estates, while rural France, no longer a peasant- and artisan-based economy, sustained fewer (albeit more productive) jobs. Agriculture’s share of the workforce fell from 27 per cent in 1954 to under 10 per cent in 1975

in Psychoanalysis and the family in twentieth-century France
Making white egg providers in the repro-hub of South Africa
Tessa Moll

neoliberal economic policies, high unemployment among young people, and lower incomes and purchasing power have been push factors for young women to provide eggs (Cooper and Waldby, 2014 ; Nahman, 2018 ). Yet these locales and the providers from them are also read as white, a form of ‘biological capital’ (Cooper and Waldby, 2014 : 76). In South Africa, to put it pithily and to quote a colleague, ‘We have cheap whites.’ Cosmopolitan aspirations, risky business? As this chapter has thus traced, the demand for white egg providers

in Birth controlled
Technologies of power and language of rights
C. Sathyamala

to the Foucauldian concept of governmentality and self-care. By the 1970s, rising unemployment, inflation and scarcity of food began to manifest as civil unrest. It was thus that in 1975, when Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister, declared an internal ‘Emergency’ and suspended all civil liberties, the individual citizen's right to procreate was also appropriated by the state. With that, men and women were forcibly sterilised with a brutality and violence which is difficult to grasp today. 3 The

in Birth controlled
Daryl Leeworthy

chapter represents an attempt to assemble a coherent narrative of Welsh responses to HIV/AIDS. Drawing on extant archival material, what follows suggests that, outside of Cardiff and Swansea, there was a strong degree of complacency concomitant with the idea of a ‘phoney war’. In comparison with other political campaigns in Wales such as those addressing housing and unemployment (and with campaigns

in Histories of HIV/AIDS in Western Europe
Abstract only
Françoise breaks free?
Richard Bates

’s X’s day today”’. 58 For her own mother’s ‘days’, ‘you had to dress up in something chic for four or five hours and go and curtsy in front of each lady’. 59 Upper-class women were always busy, with days organised into minutely planned blocks; laziness and idleness were equated to degeneracy. 60 All time was to be spent either in society or in structured, useful activity – ‘no unemployment allowed’, as Françoise wrote to a friend. 61 By the age of seven, Zaza could iron neatly, play piano and violin and make

in Psychoanalysis and the family in twentieth-century France
Containing problem populations in post-war British public health policy, 1945–74
Michael Lambert

Despite this uncertainty, families were identified as a ‘problem family’ and subject to targeted interventions and differential treatment than ‘our people’. Social work academic Elizabeth Irvine captured this tension by noting, ‘Problem families are easy to recognise and describe, but surprisingly hard to define.’ Although she then proceeded to offer a number of signifiers to remove doubt: ‘Unemployment

in Publics and their health
Michael Robinson

under fire.’  15 Contemporary researchers re-evaluated the inflated Irish representation in pre-1914 asylum data by analysing broader the social and cultural forces which could shape diagnosis and perceptions of mental ill-health. This methodology similarly contextualises the 1921 waiting list figures, helping to dismiss the prejudicial theses of Wallace and Baldie. Unemployment and stunted recovery There was still a shortcoming of 787 beds for neurasthenics in 1921 despite the

in Shell-shocked British Army veterans in Ireland, 1918–39
Suriname under Dutch rule, 1750– 1950

Explaining how leprosy was considered in various historical settings by referring to categories of uncleanliness in antiquity, is problematic. The book historicizes how leprosy has been framed and addressed. It investigates the history of leprosy in Suriname, a plantation society where the vast majority of the population consisted of imported slaves from Africa. The relationship between the modern stigmatization and exclusion of people affected with leprosy, and the political tensions and racial fears originating in colonial slave society, exerting their influence until after the decolonization up to the present day. The book explores leprosy management on the black side of the medical market in the age of slavery as contrasted with the white side. The difference in perspectives on leprosy between African slaves and European masters contributed to the development of the 'Great Confinement' policies, and leprosy sufferers were sent to the Batavia leprosy asylum. Dutch debates about leprosy took place when the threat of a 'return' of leprosy to the Netherlands appeared to materialise. A symbiotic alliance for leprosy care that had formed between the colonial state and the Catholics earlier in the nineteenth century was renegotiated within the transforming landscape of Surinamese society to incorporate Protestants as well. By 1935, Dutch colonial medicine had dammed the growing danger of leprosy by using the modern policies of detection and treatment. Dutch doctors and public health officials tried to come to grips with the Afro-Surinamese belief in treef and its influence on the execution of public health policies.